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Historical Dictionary of Algeria African Historical 

Dictionaries ; No. 66 


Naylor, Phillip Chiviges.; Heggoy, Alf Andrew. 


Scarecrow Press 

isbnIO | asin: 
print isbn13: 


ebook isbn13: 






publication date: 



DT283.7.N39 1994eb 


965/. 003 




I Bayt Al Ara 


African Historical Dictionaries 
Edited by Jon Woronoff 

1. Cameroon, by Victor T. LeVine and Roger R Nye. 1974. Out of print. See No. 48. 

2. The Congo, 2nd ed., by Virginia Thompson and Richard Adloff. 1984 

3. Swaziland, by John J. Grotpeter. 1975 

4. The Gambia, 2nd ed., by Harry A. Gailey. 1987 

5. Botswana, by Richard R Stevens. 1975. Out of print. See No. 44. 

6. Somalia, by Margaret F. Castagno. 1975 

7. Benin [Dahomey], 2nd ed., by Samuel Decalo. 1987. Out of print. See No. 61. 

8. Burundi, by Warren Weinstein. 1976 

9. Togo, 2nd ed., by Samuel Decalo. 1987 

10. Lesotho, by Gordon Haliburton. 1977 

11. Mali, 2nd ed., by Pascal James Imperato. 1986 

12. Sierra Leone, by Cyril Patrick Foray. 1977 

13. Chad, 2nd ed., by Samuel Decalo. 1987 

14. Upper Volta, by Daniel Miles McFarland. 1978 

15. Tanzania, by Laura S. Kurtz. 1978 

16. Guinea, 2nd ed., by Thomas O'Toole. 1987 

17. Sudan, by John Voll. 1978. Out of print. See No. 53. 

18. Rhodesia/Zimbabwe, by R. Kent Rasmussen. 1979. Out of print. See No. 46. 

19. Zambia, by John J. Grotpeter. 1979 

20. Niger, 2nd ed., by Samuel Decalo. 1989 

21. Equatorial Guinea, 2nd ed., by Max Liniger-Goumaz. 1988 

22. Guinea-Bissau, 2nd ed., by Richard Lobban and Joshua Forrest. 1988 

23. Senegal, by Lucie G. Colvin. 1981. Out of print. See No. 65. 

24. Morocco, by William Spencer. 1980 

25. Malawi, by Cynthia A. Crosby. 1980. Out of print. See No. 54. 

26. Angola, by Phyllis Martin. 1980. Out of print. See No. 52. 

27. The Central African Republic, by Pierre Kalck. 1980. Out of print. See No. 51. 

28. Algeria, by Alf Andrew Heggoy. 1981. Out of print. See No. 66. 

29. Kenya, by Bethwell A. Ogot. 1981 

30. Gabon, by David E. Gardinier. 1981. Out of print. See No. 58. 

31. Mauritania, by Alfred G. Gerteiny. 1981 

32. Ethiopia, by Chris Prouty and Eugene Rosenfeld. 1981. Out of print. See No. 56. 

33. Libya, 2nd ed., by Ronald Bruce St John. 1991 

34. Mauritius, by Lindsay Riviere. 1982. Out of print. See No. 49. 

36. Egypt, by Joan Wucher King. 1984 

37. South Africa, by Christopher Saunders. 1983 

38. Liberia, by D. Elwood Dunn and Svend E. Holsoe. 1985 

39. Ghana, by Daniel Miles McFarland. 1985. Out of print. See No. 63. 

40. Nigeria, by Anthony Oyewole. 1987 

41. Ivory Coast, by Robert J. Mundt. 1987 

42. Cape Verde, 2nd ed., by Richard Lobban and Marilyn Halter. 1988. Out of print. 

See No. 62. 

43. Zaire, by F. Scott Bobb. 1988 

44. Botswana, by Fred Morton, Andrew Murray, and Jeff Ramsay. 1989 

45. Tunisia, by Kenneth J. Perkins. 1989 

46. Zimbabwe, 2nd ed., by R. Kent Rasmussen and Steven L. Rubert. 1990 

47. Mozambique, by Mario Azevedo. 1991 

48. Cameroon, 2nd ed., by Mark W. DeLancey and H. Mbella Mokeba. 1990 

49. Mauritius, 2nd ed., by Sydney Selvon. 1991 

50. Madagascar, by Maureen Coveil. 

51. The Central African Republic, 2nd ed., by Pierre Kalck; translated by Thomas 

O'Toole. 1992 

52. Angola, 2nd ed., by Susan H. Broadhead. 1992 

53. Sudan, 2nd ed., by Carolyn Fluehr-Lobban, Richard A. Lobban, Jr., and John 

ObertVoll. 1992 

54. Malawi, 2nd ed., by Cynthia A. Crosby. 1995 

55. Western Sahara, 2nd ed., by Anthony Pazzanita and Tony Hodges. 1994 

56. Ethiopia and Eritrea, 2nd ed., by Chris Prouty and Eugene Rosenfeld. 1994 

57. Namibia, by John J. Grotpeter. 1994 

58. Gabon, 2nd ed., by David Gardinier. 1994 

59. Comoro Islands, by Martin Ottenheimer and Harriet Ottenheimer. 1994 

60. Rwanda, by Learthen Dorsey. 1994 

61. Benin, 3rd ed., by Samuel Decalo. 1994 

62. Republic of Cape Verde, 3rd ed., by Richard Lobban and Marlene Lopes. 1994 

63. Ghana, 2nd ed., by David Owusu-Ansah and Daniel Miles McFarland. 1994 

64. Uganda, by M. Louise Pirouet. 1994 

65. Senegal, 2nd ed., by Andrew F. Clark and Lucie Colvin Phillips. 1994 

66. Algeria, 2nd ed., by Phillip Chiviges Naylor and Alf Andrew Heggoy. 1994 

Page i 

Historical Dictionary Of Algeria 

Second Edition 

by Phillip Chiviges Naylor 

Alf Andrew Heggoy 
African Historical Dictionaries, No. 66 

The Scarecrow Press, Inc. 
Lanham, Md., & London 

Page ii 

The following maps are the property of the United States Government: 


Algeria, 1985 







Roman North Africa 
The Maghrib in the Middle Ages 
Algeria under the Ottoman Regency 
French Algeria 

National Liberation Army Military Regions, 



Economic Activity, 1985 


Extracted from Department of Army Pamphlet 550-44, Algeria: A Country Study © 
1985, United States Government as represented by the Secretary of the Army 
Reprinted with permission. 

British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication data available 
Library-of-Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data 
Naylor, Phillip Chiviges. 

The historical dictionary of Algeria / by Phillip Chiviges Naylor and Alf 
Andrew Heggoy.2nd ed. 

p. cm. (African historical dictionaries ; no. 66) 

Heggoy's name appears first on the 1st ed. 

"Substantially expanded and updated by Professor Phillip Naylor" 

Editor's foreword. 

Includes bibliographical references (p. 370-374). 

ISBN 0-8108-2748-4 (alk. paper) 

1. AlgeriaHistoryDictionaries. I. Heggoy, Alf Andrew. 

II. Title. III. Series. 

DT283.7.N39 1994 



Copyright © 1994 by Phillip C. Naylor 
Manufactured in the United States of America 

Printed on acid-free paper 

Page iii 

To David E. Gardinier 

Page v 


List of Maps vii 

Preface to the Second Edition ix 

Editor's Foreword xi 

Acronyms and Abbreviations xiii 

Glossary xxi 

Chronology xxxv 

Introduction 1 

The Dictionary 43 

French Governors in Colonial Algeria 359 

Revolutionary Organizations and National Governments 362 

Name Changes of Selected Cities and Sites Since ^ 


Selective List of Newspapers and Journals 382 

Foreign Trade 387 

Exports and Imports 388 

A Selective Bibliography 392 

About the Authors 444 

Page vii 

List Of Maps 

Landforms of Northern Algeria 2 

Northern Algeria-Rainfall Pattern 4 

Algeria 1985 9 

Roman North Africa 12 

The Maghrib in the Middle Ages 16 

Algeria under the Ottoman Regency 21 

French Algeria 26 

National Liberation Army Military Regions, 1954-62 29 

Economic Activity, 1985 36 

Page ix 

Preface to the Second Edition 

The late Professor Alf Andrew Heggoy's commitment to the historical study of 
Algeria, as demonstrated by his books, articles, and teaching, paved the way for a new 
generation of scholars. In addition, his help in organizing the French Colonial 
Historical Society promoted collegial professional development and new opportunities 
for publication. Beyond his academic accomplishments, Alfs integrity, warmth, 
courage, and humanity will be missed. 

I have adopted Professor Heggoy's transliteration method of Arabic names (rather 
than subscribe to the Library of Congress Cataloging Service, "Bulletin 49," 
Washington D.C., 1958). Heggoy's practical rationale remains persuasive: "The 
spelling of many Arabic names was fixed in our Latin alphabet by French colonial 
officials who were not necessarily linguists. In general, publications of the 
independent Algerian government have continued to use the spellings." This means 
that diacritical marks are not always transliterated (e.g., Abd al-Qadir for 'Abd al- 
Qadir). Names and terms are listed as they usually appear in English or French 
literature on Algeria. I have furnished other often used spellings with entries (e.g., 

Abd el-Kader [French transliteration]). 

As in the first edition, the words Ben, Ibn, Abou, Abu, Bou, Bu, etc., are alphabetized 
as part of the name. Thus Ben Yahia is listed under "B" rather than "Y" and Abu Yazid 
is under "A" and not "Y." Prefixes such as al- or el- have been alphabetically ignored. 
Cross-references (q.v.) are provided. There is an extensive glossary and a list of 
acronyms and abbreviations. Several new appendices and tables have been added as 
well as an essay format to the updated bibliography. In addition, I wish to thank the 

Page x 

Department of the Army for permission to use maps from Algeria : A Country Study 
(DA Pam 550-44). 

Also, the entry "Abd al-Qadir" is adapted from my article "Abd el-Kader," published 
in The International Encyclopedia (pp. 62-66) by Academic International Press 
(1992) and used by permission. 

The student or scholar of Algerian history often experiences difficulties acquiring 
information. Even when information is found, it can be biased, inaccurate, and 
contradictory, which poses heuristic problems. In this book, entries are often less 
complete than others in spite of valuable publications since the appearance of the first 
edition. The objective of the second edition is to update, to revise, and, to borrow a 
Benjedidist term, to "enrich" the first. 

I share Professor Heggoy's feeling that "to have included too many French public 
figures might well have drowned the Algerians, might have tended to make this a 
historical dictionary of French colonial Algeria rather than a historical dictionary of 
Algeria." Algeria's history is a multifaceted heritage; the French experience remains 
influential among others. 

This book is dedicated to Professor David Gardinier, my dissertation director, who 
introduced me to his close friend, Alf Heggoy. Alex Naylor, Peter deRosa, Fewis 
Fivesay, Ronald Johnson, Helen Hanigan, Satoko Thomas, Sylvia Pressman, Peter 
Ford, John Entelis, Robert Mortimer, Mildred Mortimer, Gretchen Walsh, Mette 
Shayne, Dan Britz, and the Computer Centers of Merrimack College and Marquette 
University provided particular assistance. This work also benefited from my 
associateships at the African Studies Center (Boston University) and the Center for 
Middle Eastern Studies (Harvard University). Most of all, my wife, Kitty, and our two 
children, Alexander and Athena, contributed in many ways toward making this project 
personally worthwhile. 


Page xi 

Editor's ForewordAlgeria 

Algeria is one of Africa's more important countries. It is larger than most in sheer size, 
stretching along the Mediterranean and reaching deep into the Sahara. It is rich in 
natural resources. And it has a large and active population. Given its location in 
Africa, it is bound to play a crucial role among the Maghrib countries and, just across 
from Europe, in relations with the European Community. Yet, just what it does will 
depend crucially on which path it takes over the coming years. 

This leaves Algeria, despite its significance and potential, a bit of a question mark. Its 
earlier history is less well known than that of more prestigious dynasties elsewhere in 
northern Africa. Even the events of the long and terrible war of liberation are 
sometimes controversial. 

As for the post-colonial period, it has been so tumultuous that most outsiders cannot 
follow the twists and turns, from one regime to the next, from one ideology to the 
next. To expect them to imagine future scenarios would be yet more unrealistic. 

This makes it essential to develop our knowledge further, to know more of Algeria's 
past and present and use it to picture the future. This second edition of The Historical 
Dictionary of Algeria, like its predecessor, does much to provide such knowledge. It 
delves into the past, reaching all the way back, then deals more intensively with 
French colonization and takes an even more detailed look as it works its way to the 
present day. In so doing, it reviews a multitude of events, institutions, economic, 
social, and cultural aspects, and especially persons. Finally, in an excellent 
bibliography, it indicates where additional information can be found. 

Page xii 

The first edition was written by Professor Alf Heggoy, who was born and educated 
partially in Algeria. A specialist on French and North African affairs, he wrote 
Insurgency and Counter-Insurgency in Algeria and The French Conquest of Algiers, 

1 830 . This work was substantially expanded and updated by Professor Phillip Naylor. 
His doctoral dissertation was on conflict and cooperation with France during the 
1960s and 1970s. Since then, along with various articles and papers, he has coedited a 
book entitled Algeria : State and Society. 



Page xiii 

Acronyms And Abbreviations 




Please note that many of these acronyms and abbreviations also have separate entries. 
Alliance Centriste et Demo crate; Organization uniting 
parties sharing social democratic values (e.g., FNR, 


Association pour l'Egalite des Droits entre les 
Hommes et les Femmes 

Association des Etudiants Musulmans d'Afrique du 
Nord; colonial Muslim student organization 
Association des Etudiants Musulmans Nord- 
AEMNA.Africains; Muslim student organization founded in 

Association des Etudiants Nord-Africains; North 
African student group. 

Association Generate des Travailleurs Algeriens; 
labor union created in 1962 to represent Algerian 
workers in France; affiliated with UGTA 
Armee de Liberation Nationale, 1954-1962; 
revolutionary army during War of Independence; 
renamed ANP 

Amis du Manifeste et de la Liberte; party formed by 
Ferhat Abbas active in 1944-1945; brief nationalist 
solidarity during this time 
Arab Maghrib (Maghreb) Union; also Union du 
Maghreb Arabe (UMA) 

Armee Nationale et Populaire; post-independence 

Assemblee Populaire Communale 
Assemblee Populaire Nationale 
Algerie Presse Service 
Banque Algerienne de Developpement 











Page xiv 















Banque Agricole et du Developpement 
Banque Centrale d'Algerie 
Banque Exterieure d'Algerie 
Banque Nationale d'Algerie 

Bureau National d'Animation du Secteur Socialiste; 
bureaucracy produced to manage self-management 
enterprises immediately after independence 
Bureau Politique; organization established by Ahmed 
Ben Bella and Houari Boumedienne in opposition to 
the GPRA; also known as the "Tlemcen Group"; refers 
also to a subsequent organization within the FLN party 

Caisse d'Accession a la Propriete et l'Exploitation 
Rurale; established in 1956 during the War of 
Independence to stimulate European land 
redistribution to the fellahin;dor\Q by purchasing, even 
by expropriating (a form of "nationalization") land, 
and by the transfer of public lands; Algerians accepting 
land risked retribution by the ALN 
Conseil Communal d'Animation d' Autogestion; 
council represented by army, government, and 
presidents of management committees 
Comite de Coordination et d'Execution; first executive 
body of the FLN created at Soummam Congress; five 
members initially, then expanded to nine 
Conseil Consultatif National; established in April 1992 
to assist the HCS 

Centres Cooperatifs de la Reforme Agraire; 
organization charged with marketing produce of self- 
management farms 

Caisse d'Equipment pour le Developpment de 
l'Algerie; the financial organization associated with the 
Constantine Plan 

Confederation Generate du Travail; communist- 
dominated French labor union 
Compagnie Nationale Algerienne de Navigation; 
national shipping corporation 

Comite National pour la Defense de la Revolution; a 
CNDR. short-lived opposition party to Ben Bella's regime; 
prominent role played by FFS and PRS members 

Page xv 














Comite National de la Revolution Algerienne; 
legislative body of the FLN 

Corps National de Securite; security force established 
after independence 

Comite Revolutionnaire pour d'unite et Y Action; a 
group of nine to 30 men (depending on interpretation) 
who planned and initiated the War of Independence; 
replaced by the FLN 
Dinars algeriens 

Etoile Nord-Africaine; nationalist movement organized 
in 1926 and eventually dominated by Messali Hadj 
Entreprise Socialiste pour le Developpement National 
de la Construction 

Front de l'Algerie Frangaise; an extremist pied-noir 
group that predated the OAS 

Fonds dAction Sociale; established in December 1958 
by French Government to promote the social welfare 
of the emigrant worker community in France 
Federation des Elus Musulmans dAlgerie; 
assimilationist organization founded by Dr. 

Mohammed Saleh Bendjelloul 
Federation de France du Front de Liberation 
Nationale; branch of FLN founded during War of 
Independence to organize Algerian workers in France 
and to combat the influence of Messali Hadj's MNA; 
replaced by AGTA 

Front des Forces Socialistes; party established in 1963 
by Hocine Alt Ahmed to promote Berber interests; 
now a legalized opposition party 
Front Islamique du Salut (Islamic Salvation Front); 
most powerful Islamic party in Algeria; lost legal status 
in March 1992 

Front de Liberation Nationale; organization that led 
Algeria to independence; the single legal party since 
independence until 1989 constitutional reforms; now 
discredited and factionalized 
Front National de Renouvellement; party legalized 

FNR. during 1989 liberalization (see ACD) 

Page xvi 
















Gouvernment Proviso ire de la Republique Algerienne; 
provisional government established by FLN on 
September 19, 1958; opposed by the Political Bureau 
("Tlemcen Group") during the immediate postcolonial 

High Council of State; Higher Council of State; High 
State Council; Supreme State Council (first called 
High Council of Security [High Security Council]) 
replaced the presidency of Chadli Benjedid in January 

High State Council (HSC); see HCS 

Jeunesse du Front de Liberation Nationale; FLN youth 

organization founded in 1963 

Ligue Algerienne de Defense des Droits de fHomme; 

human rights group led by Abdennour Ah Yahia 

Ligue Algerienne des Droits de fHomme; leading 

human rights group led until December 1989 by 

Miloud Brahimi 

Liquefied Natural Gas 

Liquefied Petroleum Gas 

Mouvement Algerien pour la Justice et le 

Developpement; party headed by Kasdi Merbah 

Mouvement pour la Culture Berbere; Berber party that 

competes with FFS and RCD 

Mouvement pour la Democratic en Algerie; Ahmed 

Ben Bella's opposition party founded in 1984 

Mouvement Democratique de la Revolution 

Algerienne; opposition group established in late 1960s 

by Belkacem Krim; became a liberal opposition party 

supporting a market economy 

Mouvement Islamique Arme; Islamist organization in 

conflict with HCS's security forces; Abdelkader 

Chebouti regarded as its leader 

Million British Thermal Units 

Mouvement National Algerien; party created by 

Messali Hadj in 1954 to counter the FLN 

Mouvement de Nahda Islamique (Movement of the 

MNI. Revival of Islam); an Islamic opposition party 

MTLD. Mouvement pour le Triomphe des Libertes Democra- 

Page xvii 













tiques; Messali Hadj's party, which replaced the PPA 
after World War II 

Organisation de l'Armee Secrete; European terrorist 
organization mobilized in 1961 to combat imminent 
independence of Algeria 
Organization of African Unity 
Organisation Clandestine de la Revolution 
Algerienne; opposition party organized in April 1966 
by Ho cine Ait Ahmed and Mohamed Lebjaoui 
Organisation Commune des Regions Sahariennes; 
proposed energy condominium in French-controlled 
Saharan region 

Office Algerien de la Main-d'Oeuvre; organization 
established by the French government in 1956 
concerning emigrant worker community 
Office National de Commercialisation; inaugurated in 
December 1962 to control agricultural marketing 
Office National de la Main-d'Oeuvre; an emigration 
agency of the Algerian government set up in 1963 
Office National de la Reforme Agraire; organization 
established in October 1962 to monitor and to 
supervise agricultural committees during self- 
management (autogestion)pQriod 
Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries 
Organisation de la Resistance Populaire; clandestine 
opposition party proclaimed in August 1965 that 
called for the liberation of Ahmed Ben Bella and 
others after Houari Boumedienne's coup in June 1965 
Organisation Revolutionnaire des Travailleurs; 
Trotskyite party created in 1973 
Organisation Speciale; clandestine paramilitary group 
formed by impatient young nationalists in MTLD; 
operated from 1947-1950; suffered severe crackdown 
by French police; many OS members eventually 
prepared and participated in War of Independence 

Page xviii 




PC A. 









Organisation Socialiste des Travailleurs; 
Trotskyite opposition party 
Parti d'Avant Garde Socialiste; opposition party 
that is ideological heir to PCA and ORP; 
organized in 1966; legalized after constitutional 
reforms of 1989 

Parti Algerien de 1'Homme Capital; liberal 
opposition party 

Parti Communiste Algerien; autonomous of 

French parent organization in 1936; outlawed in 

1962; PAGS now its heir 

Parti Communiste Fran£ais; French Communist 

Party that helped establish ENA; ambivalent 

support for PCA and the FLN during the War of 


Parti Democratique Progressif 

Parti National Algerien; liberal opposition party 

(see ACD) 

Parti National pour la Solidarity et le 
Developpement; liberal opposition party 
Frente Popular para la Liberacion de Saghia el 
Hamra y Rio de Oro; Sahrawi liberation 
organization formed in 1973 aiming to attain an 
independent Western Sahara; first against Spain 
then Mauritania (ended hostilities in 1979) and 
Morocco; supported by Algeria 
Parti du Peuple Algerien; founded in 1937 by 
Messali Hadj; replaced the ENA; brief 
reappearance in 1962 until outlawed; 
unsuccessful attempt of legalization after 1989 
constitutional reforms 

Parti du Renouveau Algerien; a liberal party 

headed by Noureddine Boukhrouh that advocates 

"modernist" Islam 

Parti Repub licain Progressif 

Parti de la Revolution Socialiste; clandestine 

opposition party founded immediately after 






independence by Mohamed Boudiaf; Mohammed 
Khider also became a supporter 

Parti Social Democrate; legalized social 
democratic opposition party (see ACD) 

Parti Social Liberal; liberal opposition party (see 

Parti Socialiste des Travailleurs; leftist party; 
received legalized status 

Parti de l'Union Arabo-Islamique Democratique; 

Page xix 














Arabic movement headed by Belhadj (Ben 
Hadj) Khelil Harfi 

Repub lique Algerienne Democratique et 
Populaire; official name of Algeria 
Rassemblement Arabique-Islamique; party for 
increased Arabization. 

Rassemblement pour la Culture et la 
Democratic; Berber secular party that competes 
with FFS and MCB; Said Saadi is its secretary- 

Rassemblement Franco-Musulman Algerien; a 
party founded in 1938 by Dr. Mohammed Saleh 
Bendjelloul demanding equality of Algerians 
with Europeans 

Le Rassemblement National pour la Democratic; 
opposition group of Ali Mahsas 
Radiodiffusion Television Algerienne 
Societe Agricole de Prevoyance; replaced SIP in 
1952 to aid fellahin 

Secteur d'Amelioration Rurale; established in 
1946 to provide aid in first sector to 
fellahin subordinated to SAP; continued after 

Sections Administratives Specialises; initiated 
by Governor-General Jacques Soustelle to 
ameliorate social conditions in the countryside; 
a counterinsurgency strategem; mission 
reminiscent of bureaux arabes 
Societe Indigene de Prevoyance; established in 
1893 to assist fellahin Replaced by SAP 
Scouts Musulmans Algeriens; Algerian boy 
scout organizaton associated with Association 
of Algerian Ulama integrated into JFLN 
Societe Nationale de Siderugie; national steel 

Societe Nationale de Constructions Mecaniques; 
national mechanical company 

SONAR FM Societe Nationale de Recherches et 
d'Exp locations Minieres 
Societe Nationale de Transport et de 
SONATRACH. Commercialisation des Hydro carbures; national 
oil and gas company founded in December 1963 

Page xx 

















Societe Nationale de Fabrication et de Montage du 
Materiel Electrique et Electronique; national 
electrical company 

Societe Nationale de l'Electricite et du Gaz; 
national electricity and gas company 
Societe Nationale des Industries Textiles; national 
textile company 

Union Democratique du Manifeste Algerien; 
liberal movement organized in 1946 by Ferhat 
Abbas; sought Algerian autonomy within French 

Union pour la Defense de la Revolution 
Socialiste; opposition party founded in 1963 by 
Mohamed Boudiaf; Mohand ou el-Hadj, Belkacem 
Krim, and others 

Union des Forces Democratiques; opposition 
party where Ahmed Mahsas has played a leading 

Union Generale des Etudiants Musulmans 
Algeriens; FLN's student organization during War 
of National Liberation 

Union Generale des Travailleurs Algeriens; FLN 
affiliated labor union created in 1956 to mobilize 
Algerian working classes for the national 
liberation movement 
See AMU 

Union Nationale des Etudiants Algeriens 
Union Nationale des Femmes Algeriennes 
Union des Forces Democratiques; political party 
as a result of 1989 liberalization 
Union Nationale de la Jeunesse Algerien 
Union Nationale pour la Liberte et la Democratic; 
opposition group led by Ben Youssef Ben Khedda 
Union Nationale des Paysans Algeriens 
Union Populaire Algerienne; a party formed in 
1938 by Ferhat Abbas calling for full citizenship 
for all Algerian Muslims 


Union Syndicale des Travailleurs Algeriens; 
founded in 1956 by the MNA to confront with 
FLN (i.e., FFFLN) over the allegiance of the 
emigrant worker community 

Page xxi 


A collection of terms that may be encountered in historical studies of Algeria. 

Please note that some of these terms also have separate entries. 


AbidRefers to Almoravid ascetics; also servants or slaves 
AdjutantFrench sergeant major 

AghaCaptain-general of Turkish forces; commander in chief; tribal chief under Abd 

AghalikJurisdiction of an agha under Turks 

AlfaEsparto grass used in paper manufacturing 

AmirPrince; commander 

Amir al-Mu'mininCommander of the Faithful 

Amir al-MusliminCommander of Muslims; Almoravid title 

Ancien combattantEx-serviceman, veteran 

ArrondissementFrench administrative subdivision of departments 

ArsctMrs/zdnalienable property that may be inherited; tribal land; property based on 
labor invested in the land; 

Page xxii 

difficult to delineate; collective or communal land 
AsabiyyaTribal "group feeling"; "solidarity"; idea developed by Ibn Khaldun 
AspirantFrench officer candidate 
Atji-bashiHead of horses; supervised Dey's household 

AutogestionSelf-management system of farms and industrial plants immediately after 

AzelPublic domain during the Turkish period 

BaccalaureateSecondary-school leavinguniversity entrance examination 

BachagaAlgerian "governors"; highest rank in the caidat system of "native" 
administration in the French system 

BaladiyatCommune; a subdivision of a daira 

Baldisita/<2<i/s;native citizens of Algiers (pre-Ottoman) 

BarakaSpiritual quality of blessedness; grace; special power, usually from divine 
source, that may radiate to others; marabouts are supposed to possess baraka 

BarbaryThis geographic term stems from Berber; the Barb ary states extended from 
Libya to Morocco 

BarbouzeUndercover French government agents employed against the OAS 

Page xxiii 

during the Algerian War of Independence 
Bay'ahOath of allegiance to a new ruler 

Beni-Oui-Oui"Sons of/people of yes [speakers]"; derogatory term used to describe 
Algerian administrators or political persons who collaborated with France 

BeurDerived from the word arabe spelled backward and street jargon; a member of 
the emigrant community's "second generation" in France 

BeyTurkish title of the Dey of Algiers's three principal vassals, the governors of Oran, 
Constantine, and Titteri. 

BeylerbeyCommander of commanders; title of Regency leader in 16th century; 

BicotAbusive French term used to refer to Algerians 



BleuFrench double agent; ( bleuite, the state of being affected by a double agent) 

BurnousLoose woolen cloak woven into one piece 

CachabiaHeavy, usually woolen winter garment worn by Algerian men 

Page xxiv 

CadiSee Qadi 
CaidSee Qa'id 

CaidatFrench system of "native" administration 

CantonnementThe policy of confining Muslims to certain areas 

Captain PashaCommanding officer of the Ottoman fleet; post often given to the 
Beylerbeys of Algiers 

CasbahKasba(h)/Qasba(h); citadel; famous Berber, then Turkish section of Algiers; in 
general, native quarters of colonial cities 

Chechia Woolen caps worn by many traditional Algerian men 

CheikhSee Shaykh 

ChekliinesJews from the Balearics who arrived in Algiers in the late twelfth century 
ChottSee Shaft 

ChouhadaMartyr in the revolutionary war 

Code de 1'IndigenatColonial law code allowing arbitrary, summary justice 

QoffSaff, geopolitical party (informal), federation; method of establishing tribal 

ColonEuropean settler; especially agrarian settler 

ColonatThe term for the settler agricultural "lobby" that influenced political and 
economic colonial policy 

Page xxv 

Comite de gestionManagement committee associated with autogestion 

Commune de pleinCommunes of colonial Algeria with exercise large European 
proportion of inhabitants that were given same administration as metropolitan 

Commune mixteCommunes in which European minority were, governed by European 
administrators who controlled Algerians through caids 


Da'iShi'i propagandists and agitators; "callers" or "summoners" to Shi'ism 

Da'iraDaira; daira (from Arabic dar/ diyar);circ\Q (of authority); district; a subdivision 
of a wilaya;m administrative region usually named after a major city 

Dar al-SultanResidence of the Beylerbeys and Deys of Algiers 

Daw air Duwwar;a group of families attached to a chief 

DQpartmQntDepartement;\argQst administrative subdivision 

DeyThe head of the Regency since the eighteenth century; governor of Algiers 

DinarAlgerian unit of currency 

DisparusThe "disappeared"; during the chaos of Algerian decolonization, many 
Europeans disappeared mysteriously; occasional reports of their 

Page xxvi 

being interned or sighted have affected French-Algerian relations 

DivanCouncil of State during Regency; usually consisted of high Turkish 
functionaries who assisted the Dey \ could also select Dey 

Dj eb QiJaba /;mountain 

DjemaaSee Jama'a 

DjoundiALN soldier 

Douar Village; group of tents; administrative unit 


ErgSand dune area (in Sahara) 

EvolueEducated Algerian who had been influenced by the French; especially wanted 
to realize the ideal of assimilation 

ExarchByzantine administrator (governor) 

ExodeExodus; repatriation/expatriation of European settlers in 1962 

FailekALN battalion 
FaoudjALN section 
FatmaMaid; Algerian domestic servant 
Fatwalslamic legal opinion 
FellaghOutlaw; Algerian guerrilla fighter 
FellahPeasant; small farmer (pi .fellahin) 

Page xxvii 

Fida'iyinCombattants of the faith; urban terrorists 
FiguierFig tree; also French abusive term for Algerians 
FiqhTerm for Islamic jurisprudence 
FirmanOffical decree by Turkish Dey 
FormationTraining of cadres 
FractionPart of a tribe or of a village 

Fuqaha'Doctors of canon law, especially Malikite (Maliki) (s. faqih) 


Garde- champ etreRural policeman 

GoumDialectical form of qawm or £< 2 wm;armed horsemen in service of Regency; 
advance guard among makhzen tribes enforcing Turkish rule; auxiliaries 

GourbiShack; small house of poor peasant 

Group eS quad 


FlabousFfa6ws;pious donation of land for a foundation devoted to religious, 
charitable, or cultural purpose; religious endowments; also known as waqf 

HadithQur'anic commentary; tradition relating to the life and actions of the Prophet 

Hadj//q/y;the pilgrimage to Mecca; one who has performed this act of faith 

HaikSheetlike garment, in white or black, worn by Algerian women when they go out 
in public 


HarkiAlgerian soldier serving France 
HidjabMuslim long robe worn by women 

HitisteArabic-French amalgam; "one who holds up walls"; refers to the masses of 
contemporary jobless young men 

Hubs See Habous 

IfriqiyaThe general region of Tunisia and far eastern Algeria 
IkhwanBrethren; as members of Sufi order 
ImamSunni prayer leader; religious and political leader of Shi'a 
IstemeyizJanissary warcry 


JabalSee Djebel 

Jama'aVillage assembly; assembly of elders; Berber institution 

JanissariesElite Turkish infantry 


JihadHoly war (see Moudjahid ) 

JizyahCapitation tax levied by Islamic state upon non-Muslims 

KasmaParty council of the FLN at the commune level 
KatibaALN company 

Kepis bleusBlue caps; term used to refer to SAS officers and men 

Page xxix 

KhalifaDeputy; district governors of Abd al-Qadir 
KhamisMuslim long robe worn by men 

KTammesX/z< 2 mm< 2 s;sharecropper; tenant farmers who get one-fifth of the harvest for 
their labor and tools 

KharajLand tax 

KhaznadarDey's personal treasurer 
KhaznajiOfficer in charge of the Regency state treasury 
KhujasRegency secretaries 

Khujat al-kheylA7u//f// al A7z//;m aster of cavalry; responsible for logistics; receiver of 
tribute during Regency 

KiboussiinesJews from Spain who arrived in Algiers in late thirteenth century and 
especially after 1492 

KouloughhsXw/wg^/A;children of Turks and local women 
KsourFortified village; fort 


LithamFace scarf; muffler; made famous by Almoravids 
LyceeSecondary school leading to baccalaureate and to universities 


Mad r as aMedersa ;h i gh er Islamic educational institution 

Maghrib'Tlace where sun sets"; Northwest Africa; the country of Morocco 

Page xxx 

Mahallas Turkish expeditionary units; often sent out to collect taxes 
Mahdf'Guided one"; a redeemer in Shi'i theology 

MakhzmMakhzen ;tax-exempt tribes allied with Turkish rulers; ahl al-makhzan paid 

MansulaghaHonorary agha 

MaquisDense underbrush; term used by the French to describe nationalist sanctuaries; 
maquisards were guerrillas; maquis rouge referred to PCA guerrillas during the War 
of Independence 

M2iVdbo\x\Marabut\di saintly or venerated Muslim leader; often charismatic; a 
descendant or leader of a sufi (mystic) order 

MechtaVillage, area 

MelkM/7 k/M ulk/Mal &;freeh o 1 d form of private property that is implicitly inalienable; 
difficult to delineate 

MetropoleMetropolitan (colonial) power; France 
MilitantActive member of the FLN 
Mintaka A region, a subdivision of a wilaya 

MoudjahidMw/a/z/(i;combattant, ALN soldier; guerrilla. The word is derived from the 
Arabic verb jahada meaning to struggle. It can mean a fighter in a holy war. In Islam 
it is especially 

Page xxxi 

the struggle within oneself to be a good Muslim 
MousseblinMilitiaman; ALN guerrilla 
Muftilslamic jurisconsultant; interpreter of the law 
MunasTurkish garrisons 

MuqaddemMog<2<i<i<2m;leader of a religious brotherhood; a regional leader 

OdaBarrack rooms 

O&qOdja ^military corps of janissaries; the ojaq often influenced the selection of the 
Regency's Deys 

OrtaMilitary unit (comp any- sized) 

OuedRWz';river or dry riverbed 


ParasFrench paratroopers; name popularized during Algerian War of Independence 

PashaTurkish officer or official of high rank; governor of an Ottoman province; title 
of Dey of Algiers 

PashalikA region under the control of a pasha 
Pied-noir"Black foot"; refers to European settlers in Algeria 
PrefetPrefect; administrator of a department 


Qa'idCflw/;a leader; high official in the military or civil government; Algerian 
administrator during French colonial period 

Quartier Sector 

Page xxxii 

Rai Rai] raypersonal opinion or judgment; popular form of contemporary Algerian 
(and Maghribi) music reminiscent of American folk and rap styles 

RaisReis/Ra'is‘}QadQY or chief; corsair captain; president 

RatissageRaking over; a "pacification" operation 

Ratonnade"Rat hunt"; European extremists looking for "Arabs" to kill during the War 
of Independence 

RaiziaGhazyafovay; raid; coup; campaign 

RefoulementForcible removal of native population after active resistance especially 
during earlier stages of French colonization 

RegroupementRegrouping Muslims into encampments during the War of 
Independence in order to isolate the ALN 

RibatFortified stronghold, retreat, or monastery; a place to prepare a group for a jihad 
RumArabic term for Roman; used in general for Christians 
R'yaitoy<2;tribes at least partially subdued by the Turks and makhzan tribes 


SaffSee Qoff 

Page xxxiii 

SayyidDescendant of Abd al-Mumin; honorific term 

Sergent-chefLowest-ranked sergeant 

Shari'alslamic law based on Muhammad's revelation 

SharifA descendant of Muhammad through his daughter Fatima 

ShattC/z<9/t;salt marsh; also chott 


Shaykh Shaikh; cheikh spiritual leader; elder; arbiter; religious teacher; descendant of 
important Almohad family 

Shi'aMuslim sects recognizing Ali as true successor of Muhammad and his 
descendants (imams) 

SidiSayyid; honorific title before a name, usually marabouts 
SiroccoHot wind from the Sahara 
SoffSee Qoff 

SoukCovered market (traditional) 

Sous-prefetAdministrator of an arrondissement 
SpahisCavalry in Turkish forces 
SufiMuslim mystic 

SunniMuslims who follow the customs (sunna ) of the Prophet 

Page xxxiv 


Ta'ifa Taifa\ taifa ; corsair captains; a group or organization of ship captains 
TaqlidStrict adherence to religious tradition and law 
TariqaWay, path; a ritual practiced by Muslim brotherhoods 


UlamaLearned persons, religious leaders well versed in Qur'anic studies 
UltrasDefiant European settlers who resisted any accommodation 
UmmaThe community of Muslims 


WadiSee oued 

WaliChief administrator at the district level (Turkish); governor of a wilaya 
WatanAdministrative unit within beylik 

Wekil al-kharj Wakil al-kharj\ Vakil kharij z;Regency ministry of the marine also 
charged with foreign affairs 

WilayaAdministrative provinces; war zones during the War of Independence (I: Aures 
region; II: Little Kabylia and eastern Algeria: III: Great Kabylia; IV: Algiers, Mitidja, 
Ouarsenais, central Algeria; V: Oran and western Algeria; VI: southern zone (northern 


YoldashPrivate Janissaries 

Zawiya Zawia; Zawaya (pi.); buildings for religious study; monasteries; hostelries 

Page xxxv 


6000 B.C.-A.D. 100 

Pictorial history at Tassili N'Ajjer illustrating Saharan prehistoric cultures; frescoes 
include hunters, herders, and warriors 

1200 B.C.-202 B.C. 

Phoenicians enter western Mediterranean (possibly Minoans along Algerian littoral c. 
2000 B.C.); founding of Carthage (traditional date 814 B.C.); expansion of 
Carthaginian influence along North African coastline (800-220 B.C.); Berber 
kingdoms in hinterland 

c. 240-148 B.C. 

Dynamic reign of King Masinissa, King of Numidia; collaborates with Rome v. 
Carthage in Second Punic War; builds an impressive kingdom; capital Cirta 

112-105 B.C. 

Jugurtha, King of the Numidians, wars against the Romans 
46 B.C. 

Numidia, a protectorate, becomes a province of Rome after Caesar defeats followers 
of the late Pompey and their ally, King Juba, at the Battle of Thapsus. Roman territory 
is trebled to include several provinces; Africa Nova; most of the old Numidian 
Kingdom. Mauretania annexed to Empire in A.D. 40 

43 B.C.-A.D. 430 

Romanization and Christianization of the Maghrib. Berbers restive; Christian martyrs 
and schismatics; Saint Augustine, Bishop of Hippo (396-430) 

Page xxxvi 


The Vandals arrive; persecution of Roman Catholics 

Belisarius routs the Vandals; reestablishment of a central (Eastern) Roman 
administration; resistance of petty Berber states 

7th century 

First Arab invasion of Maghrib (647); 'Uqba (Okba) ben Nafi and the first "soldiers of 
Allah" traverse the Maghrib, before his death in combat near Biskra. Opposition to 
Arabs and Islam by victorious Berber leaders (Kusayla [683]; al-Kahina [695]) 

8th-9th centuries 

Islamicization and Arabization progresses. Three influential states: Ibadi (Rustamids) 
at Tahert (Tiaret) in the center; the Aghlabids in the East; the Idrisids at Tlemcen 

10th century 

Fatimids dominate North Africa; Ibadi amirate to the M'zab; founding of Algiers by 
the Zirids. 

11th century 

Founding of Qal'a by Hammadids; Banu Hilal and Banu Sulaym migration; 
Hammadids to Bejaia; Almoravids invade 

12th century 

The Almohads unify the Maghrib 
13th century- 16th centuries 

Tlemcen in its glory under the Abd al-Wadids; apogee of the Arab -Andalusian culture 
16th century 

Spanish enclaves on the coast; the brothers Barbarossa (Aruj and Khayr al-Din) 
establish a Turkish presence; Algiers becomes 

Page xxxvii 

maritime power; part of Ottoman Empire; disaster of Charles V before Algiers (1541); 
Turkish penetration of the interior 

17th- 18th centuries 

Continuation of struggles between Ottoman Turks and Europeans; Algiers continues 
its cosmopolitan development; Regency acting autonomously 

19th century 

French expedition v. Algiers (1830); resistance of Abd al-Qadir (surrenders 1847); 
major revolts in 1857, 1864, and 1871; continuing French colonization and land 
expropriation; colonists secure internal control of the colony 

20th century 

Growth of Algerian Nationalism 

Young Algerian movement; Clemenceau/Jonnart legislation (1919); Emir Khaled's 
agitation; establishment of the ENA (1926); establishment of Association of Algerian 
Muslim Ulama (1931); Blum-Viollette legislation fails (1936-1938); establishment of 
PPA (1937); Manifesto of the Algerian People (1943); de Gaulle's ordinance (1944); 
establishment of AML (1944-45); Setif rioting (1945); establishment of MTLD and 
UDMAin 1946; Algerian Statute (1947); organization and operation of OS (1947- 
1950); dissension in MTLD between Messalists and Centralists (1953-1954); meeting 
of the CRUA (1954) 

War of Liberation (1954-1962) 

Proclamation of November 1, 1954; Soustelle as governor-general (1955-56); 
Soummam Conference (August 1956); FLN leaders hijacked (October 1956); Battle of 
Algiers (1956-1957); 

Page xxxviii 

fall of Fourth Republic; de Gaulle to power (May 1958); inauguration of GPRA 
(September 1958); "Peace of the Brave" initiative and Constantine Plan (October 
1958); Challe Plan and French military success (1959); de Gaulle offers self- 
determination (September 1959); Algiers insurrection (January 1960); Melun 
discussions (June 1960); demonstrations of settlers and by Muslim masses (December 
1960); OAS formed (1961); referendum on de Gaulle's policies (January 1961); French 
generals' putsch (April 1961); opening of Evian negotiations (May 1961); second 
GPRA (August 1961); negotiations reopen at Les Rousses (February 1962); Evian 
Accords (March 1962); FLN-OAS accord (June 1962); Tripoli Program (June 1962); 
referendum on Algerian self-determination (July 1, 1962); proclamation of Algerian 
independence (July 3); intraelite conflict (summer 1962) 

Ben Bella Administration (1962-1965) 

Ben Bella premier (1962)/president (1963); expropriation of European property (1962- 
1963); border war with Morocco (October-November 1963); Kabylia revolts (Fall 
1963); S ON ATRACH inaugurated (December 1963); Charter of Algiers (1964) 

Boumedienne Administration (1965-1978) 

Col. Boumedienne overthrows Ben Bella (June 19, 1965); Algiers Accord signed with 
France (July 1965); nationalization of mines (1966); state planning initiated (1967); 
nationalization of French hydrocarbon concessions (1971); Agrarian Revolution 
(1971); Cultural Revolution (1971); Algeria demonstrates leadership in special session 
at U.N. (1974); President Giscard d'Estaing of France visits (1975); Algeria supports 
POLISARIO after Morocco and Mauritania invade ex-Spanish Sahara (1975); new 

Page xxxix 

Constitution and National Charter (1976); Boumedienne dies of rare blood disease 

Benjedid Administration (1979-1992) 

Benjedid becomes president (1979); gradual political decentralization and economic 
liberalization; five-year plan initiated (1980); Maghrib unity accords with Tunisia and 
Mauritania (1983); Benjedid first president to have state visit to France (1985); 
"enriched" National Charter (1986); rioting throughout Algeria (1988); constitutional 
reform (1988-1989); democratization of political system begins (1989); Arab Maghrib 
Union formed (1989); FIS wins local elections (1990); national elections postponed 
after violence; FIS leaders arrested (June 1991); FIS publications banned (August 
1991); FIS wins first round of rescheduled national elections (December 1991); 
Benjedid deposed in civilian-military coup (January 1992) 

High Council Of State (1992-) 

High Security Council then High Council of State (HCS) established (January 1992); 
national elections canceled (January); FIS loses its legal status (March); continued 
unrest and violence throughout Algeria; assassination of HCS President Mohamed 
Boudiaf (June 1992); FIS leaders sentenced (July); continuing violence and 
government crackdowns; erosion of political and civil rights; economy deteriorating; 
austerity policies emphasized by HCS and Prime Minister Belaid Abdesselam; Algeria 
on brink of national implosion; escalating violence results in estimated 4,000 deaths by 
end of 1993; High Council of State selects General Liamine Zeroual as president 
(January 1994) 

Page 1 


For being Africa's second largest nation, Algeria has remained historically one of the 
least studied countries on the continent. It is a land of striking geographic, 
topographic, and ethnic diversity matched by an impressive history 

The Natural Setting 

The Democratic and Popular Republic of Algeria encompasses an area of 2,381,741 
square kilometers (919,595 square miles). Its landmass is slightly larger than the entire 
area of the United States east of the Mississippi and more than four times larger than 
France. Most of the country is desert. Its only natural border is the Mediterranean Sea 
to the north. Algeria shares frontiers, clockwise from east to west, with Tunisia (q.v.), 
Libya, Niger, Mali, Mauritania, Western Sahara (q.v.), and Morocco (q.v.). 

Approximately 95 percent of the nearly 25 million Algerians live within a 160 
kilometer (100 mile) belt bordering on the Mediterranean Sea, or roughly within 10 to 
12 percent of the total area, lying north of the arid Sahara. This portion of the country 
has a subtropical climate. South from its 1,104 kilometer (686 mile) shoreline, the 
country has an extremely varied terrain. Even the narrow northern coastal plain is 
often broken up by mountains, some of which slope directly into the sea, as does the 
especially striking Chenoua massif near the ancient Roman town of Tipasa, west of 
Algiers (q.v.). Northern Algeria is dominated by two mountain ranges that run east- 
west from Tunisia to Morocco. Northernmost is the irregular Tell Atlas Mountain 
group, which reaches heights more than 2,300 meters (7,500 feet) including the 

Page 2 

Page 3 

Hodna range and the Djudjura massif. It is flanked by a high plateau of dry, 
undulating stretches, which give way to the Saharan plateau and then the Saharan 
Atlas reaching 2,100 meters (7,000 feet), which are a continuation of the Moroccan 
High Atlas range. Both mountain ranges descend toward the East and ultimately settle 
into the coastal plains of Tunisia. 

The morphology of the Sahara includes sand, pebbles, and bare rocks. In the southern 
Sahara, the rocky plateau of Tassili N'Ajjer rises 1,700 meters (5,500 feet). The far 
south is distinguished by Algeria's highest elevations including the Assekrem Plateau 
at 2,728 meters (8,950 feet), and the isolated and awesome peaks of the Ahaggar 
(Hoggar) range, which feature Mount Ilamane at 2,739 meters (8,986 feet) and Mount 
Tahat at 2,918 meters (9,573 feet), the tallest mountain in Algeria. 

The coastal regions average 762 millimeters (30 inches) of rainfall annually. Another 
area just to the south, but extending up to the coast west of Algiers, receives between 
610 and 813 millimeters (24 to 32 inches). A third region, bordering those already 
mentioned but also encompassing most of the coastline between Algiers and Oran, 
receives only 406 to 610 millimeters (16 to 24 inches). From Oran to the Moroccan 
border, more arid conditions prevail. Similar to the high plateaus further south, this 
region averages from 203 to 406 millimeters (8 to 16 inches) annually, making it 
unsuitable for agriculture but for pastoralism. The Saharan Atlas averaging a mere 102 
to 203 millimeters (4 to 8 inches) qualifies closely as desert. The vast Sahara receives 
virtually no precipitation. 

The agricultural north (q.v. Agriculture) features market garden and industrial 
produce. Cereals (e.g., wheat, barley) are grown throughout the north in the coastal 
and inland plains (e.g., Constantine, Oran areas) and plateaus. Production varies with 
the unpredictable precipitation. Plateau grass (e.g., esparto) nourishes herds of 
livestock (e.g., sheep, goats, camels). 

The most important industry is hydrocarbons (q.v. Hydrocarbons), given the country's 
significant reserves of oil and especially natural gas (seventh largest in the world). 
Algeria also 

Page 4 

|Un4»y ♦ livchM 

f 1 «-■ 

[ .1 »->« 





Ov«r 32 inckat 

Northern Algeria- Rainfall Pattern 

Page 5 

possesses one of the most impressive hydrocarbon infrastructures in the world (trunk 
lines and refineries [particularly natural gas liquefaction]). The principal solid mineral 
deposits are iron ore, coal, phosphates, lead, and zinc. Uranium has been found in the 
Ahaggar range. 

Among Algeria's wildlife are the jackal, Barbary ape, gazelle, jerboa, boar, antelope, 
fennec fox, and ibex. The mountainous north is forested with pine, juniper, cedar, 
olive, and cork oak. Acacia, dwarf palm, and jujube trees are in the more arid zones. 
Date palm groves are renowned in Saharan oases. 

Algeria faces major environmental challenges such as the relentless encroachment of 
the Sahara northward (q.v. Barrage vert ) and the country's burgeoning population 
(more than 3 percent annual growth). At this juncture, as Algeria struggles for political 
and economic stability, the generally recognized need for careful planning and 
management of natural resources assumes a greater urgency. 

A Historical Survey 
Prehistory to the Arab Conquest 

Algeria had a vigorous Neolithic culture in the predesiccated Sahara as depicted at 
Tassili N'Ajjer (q.v.) in one of the greatest displays of prehistoric art in the world. 
Illustrations date from 6000 B.C. to 1500 B.C. For as long as its recorded history, there 
have been inhabitants in North Africa whom outsiders named Berbers (q.v.), and who 
call themselves, Imazighen , which roughly translated means "noblemen" or "free 
men." They probably migrated from west Asia and northeast and southeast Africa and 
eventually melded throughout northwest Africa. The Berbers remained independent of 
foreign control though they were influenced (e.g., linguistically) by the establishment 
of Carthage (q.v.) in the ninth century B.C. and its subsequent expansion along the 
North African littoral, including eastern Algeria. 

Page 6 

Berber leaders began to assert themselves during the Second Punic War (218-202 
B.C.) between Carthage (q.v.) and Rome (q.v.). The Massyli (q.v.) monarch Masinissa 
(q.v.) allied with Rome and was recognized as King of Numidia (q.v.) ruling from his 
capital, Cirta (Qirta; q.v. Constantine). Masinissa expanded Numidia, and eventually 
this impressive kingdom stretched 700 miles along the North African coast from 
Carthaginian territory (Tunisia) in the east to the River Muluccha (Moulouya) 
(Morocco) in the west. After the final destruction of Carthage in 146 B.C., the alliance 
between Rome and Numidia was no longer as expedient or as strategic. Jugurtha 
(q.v.), a grandson of Masinissa, pursued his own independent ambitions and 
confronted Rome in the Jugurthine War (112-105 B.C.), which was detailed by the 
Roman official and historian Sallust (q.v.). Jugurtha's resistance made him a hero of 
modern Algeria. Juba II (q.v.) (25 B.C.-A.D. 23) was the last Massyli monarch and a 
close Roman client. 

Rome colonized Algeria, whose coastal plains became a leading granary of the 
Empire. Remarkable cities were built such as at Timgad (q.v.) deep in the hinterland. 
Roman legions reached the Sahara and quelled occasional uprisings. It is easy to 
imagine the comfort of life in Roman Africa among the ruins of coastal Tipassa. Many 
Berbers were Romanized and later converted to Christianity, among them the great 
Church Father, St. Augustine (q.v.), who was born in eastern Algeria and became the 
Bishop of Hippo (Annaba [q.v.]). North Africa was also the site of often violent 
conflicts among Christian sects (e.g., the Donatists [q.v.], Arians, Catholics/ 

The invasion of the Vandals (q.v.) in the fifth century ended Roman rule but had little 
effect upon the Berber population in the interior. The Vandals were defeated in the 
sixth century by the Byzantines (q.v.), who also maintained a coastal and ephemeral 

The next wave of invaders did make a difference. 

Page 7 

From the Arab Conquest to the Turkish Regency 

In the mid- to late seventh century, Muslim Arabs undertook their conquest of 
Northwest Africa, which would hereafter be known as the "Maghrib," or the land of 
the setting sun (the west). The Berbers offered stiff and inspirational resistance, 
especially in the Aures region under Kusayla (q.v.) and the redoubtable al-Kahina 
(q.v.). Nevertheless, the Arabs finally subdued the northern region and infused it with 
their culture. The name "Algeria" is derived from the Arabic word for the "islets" 
located off the shoreline of what would be the modern capital of Algiers (q.v.). The 
Berbers converted to Islam, but they maintained their own language and withstood 

Though Algeria was neither a unified state nor a "nation," it was highly influenced by 
its local dynasties and those of its neighboring regions. The Khariji(te) (q.v. 

Kharijism) Rustumid (q.v.) dynasty secured itself in Tahert in the late eighth century 
and eventually stretched from Tlemcen to Tripoli. This was the first Muslim state in 
the Maghrib. The establishment in the ninth century of the Aghlabid dynasty (q.v.) in 
neighboring Ifriqiya (Tunisia) brought much of eastern Algeria under its control. After 
the defeat and displacement of the Aghlabids in the tenth century, the Isma'ili Fatimids 
(q.v.) controlled Ifriqiya, northern Algeria, and much of Morocco. When the Fatimids 
embarked for Egypt in the tenth century, the western provinces were left to the local 
Berber Zirid dynasty (q.v.). The Zirids were rivaled by the Berber Hammadid (q.v.) 
dynasty at Qal'a and then at Bejai'a (q.v.). The onslaught of the Banu Hilal (q.v.) and 
the Banu Sulaym severely pressured both the Zirids and Hammadids in the eleventh 
century. Later in that century, the Almoravids (q.v.) swept into western and central 
Algeria. They were deposed in the twelfth century by the Almohads (q.v.) under Abd 
al-Mu'min (q.v.), who united the Maghrib from the Atlantic to Ifriqiya. 

After the breakup of the Almohad empire in the middle of the thirteenth century, 
Algeria featured the Abd al-Wadid (q.v.) 

Page 8 

(Ziyanid) state with its capital at Tlemcen (q.v.). The size of this state varied in 
proportion to the power asserted by the rival Hafsids of Tunis and the Marinids of 
Fez. This was the beginning of a collateral geopolitical trilateralism that one views 
today with the neighboring countries of Tunisia and Morocco. During this time, cities 
along the coast such as Algiers often asserted their independence. 

Throughout these "medieval" centuries, Algeria continued to be a rich agricultural area 
despite recurrent conquests. (The degree of devastation to the Algerian economy 
caused by the Banu Hilal and Banu Sulaym invasions remains debatable.) 

Furthermore, the integration of northern Algeria with the Umayyad (q.v.) and Abbasid 
(q.v.) Caliphates stimulated the development of expansive international commerce and 
flourishing cities. Algeria had an established maritime economy long before the arrival 
of the Ottomans. 

Culturally, cities such as Constantine, Tlemcen, Annaba (Bone), Bejaia (Bougie), and 
Algiers were distinguished centers of learning besides commerce. Ibn Khaldun (q.v.) 
lived in several Algerian cities before settling in Tunis. Under the Almoravids, Maliki 
(q.v. Malikism) Islam was entrenched in Algeria. Furthermore, as a consequence of 
Almoravid and Almohad invasions, Algeria was influenced by the great Ibero-Islamic 
civilization. Correspondingly, the arrival of displaced Andalusian Muslims and Jews 
(q.v.), a consequence of the Christian reconquest (reconquista ), enriched Algeria's 
cultural heritage and contribution (q.v. Literature in Arabic). 

The Turkish Regency 

In the early sixteenth century, Spanish military and crusading incursions along the 
Northwest African coast created enclaves including Algiers and Oran (q.v.). The 
militant Spanish were matched, however, by the ambitious and adventurous 
"Barbarossa" brothers (Aruj [q.v.], Khayr al-Din [q.v.], Ishaq, and 

Page 9 

Algeria 1985 

Page 10 

Elias). These Turkified Greek privateers raided and occupied regions along the 
Algerian littoral and in the northern hinterland. The inauguration of the Algerian 
Regency (q.v.), while theoretically under the rule of the Ottoman Empire, was in 
practice an autonomous state; the Turks were known as "Algerians.” Indeed, the 
renowned historian, Tawfiq al-Madani (q.v.), referred to the Regency as an "Algerian 
Ottoman Republic." Under Beylerbeys , Pashas , Aghas , and Deys supported by 
subordinate Beys in Mascara (later moved to Oran), Constantine, and Titteri, the Turks 
governed northern Algeria from the early 1500s until the French conquests of Algiers 
in 1830 and later Constantine in 1837. Led by such dauntless leaders as Hassan Pasha 
(q.v.) and Eulj Ali (q.v.), Algeria became a formidable state that earned the respect and 
fear of Europe. 

The economy of the Regency was based not only on its infamous piracy, which was 
concurrently practiced by Europeans, but also upon Algeria's agricultural and 
manufacturing production. Protected by its formidable fortifications, Algiers became 
one of the greatest cosmopolitan centers of the Mediterranean, distinguished, too, by 
impressive mosques and public works. 

The French Colonial Establishment 

France's internal affairs generated incidental imperialist ambitions toward Algeria. In 
order to divert his subjects' restlessness concerning his unpopular domestic policies, 
King Charles X (q.v.) exploited a number of commercial and political contentions 
with the Regency. The chief issue was the Bourbon government's refusal to honor a 
debt dating back to the Revolutionary period owed to an Algerian exporting firm. This 
nagging issue contributed to an inopportune event for the Regency in 1827 when Dey 
Husayn (q.v.) slapped the French consul (Pierre Deval) with a fly whisk. The King 
ordered a blockade of Algiers and then, three years later, an invasion. Under the 
command of General Louis de Bourmont (q.v.), French troops used contingency plans 
drawn up years before for 

Page 11 

Napoleon and landed on June 14, 1830, west of Algiers at Sidi Fredj (Ferruch). After 
defeating Turkish and allied Berber forces, Algiers capitulated to the invaders on July 
5. Ironically, after this success Charles X was deposed several weeks later. 

Louis-Philippe (q.v.) inherited this conquest and dispatched a "Special Commission" 
to help him assess the situation. The Commission, which was enlarged in 1833 and 
renamed the "African Commission," acknowledged that there had been injustices 
committed against the native population. Nevertheless, it also listed appealing 
nationalist rationales for maintaining a French presence, such as the availability of 
new markets and strategic military sites, the enduring civilizing mission, and the 
promotion of France's international prestige. Louis-Philippe was particularly sensitive 
to the Commission's report that the conquest was popular in France. This was the 
decisive argument that convinced him to endorse colonization. 

Though the French dismantled the Ottoman Regency, it was clear that the concept of 
an Algerian state or an embryonic Algerian "nationalism" existed at the time. For 
example, when the French attacked Algiers, peripheral tribes from areas that routinely 
refused to pay taxes to central authorities sent soldiers to defend the city. As France 
debated what to do with this conquest, an Algerian began to fill the power vacuum. 

In western Algeria the Amir Abd al-Qadir (q.v.) organized a successor Islamic state, 
which posed a very serious threat to French colonial plans. This amirate eventually 
controlled about two-thirds of Algeria's inhabited land area of Algeria and a like 
proportion of its Arab and Berber inhabitants who consensually did not want 
"infidels" intruding on Muslim territory. Abd al-Qadir demonstrated impressive 
statecraft as he attempted, though unsuccessfully, to gain diplomatic recognition from 
England and Spain. Although he also encountered difficulty in obtaining modern 
weapons, he and his followers stoutly resisted the French. By the Treaty of Tafna 
(May 1837) (q.v.), his theocratic state was recognized by the French. War resumed 
soon afterward as the Amir's territorial ambitions competed with those 

Page 12 

Roman North Africa 

Page 13 

of the French. Faced with the determined Marshal Thomas-Robert Bugeaud (q.v.) 
commanding overwhelming forces, the Amir found himself hard-pressed. The French 
Army effectively adapted to the campaign by using Muslim raiding tactics, but also 
resorted to atrocities that terrorized and demoralized the native population. The Amir 
was forced to surrender in 1847. The enduring resistance of Abd al-Qadir and his 
followers can be understood only by appreciating the incipient nationalistic sentiments 
of the Algerians. To view them as merely religious and xenophobic resisters is to 
embrace a deeply rooted fallacy that has long been the standard of Eurocentric 
colonial historiography. It is essential to recall that a "national" sentiment rooted in 
Abd al-Qadir's endeavors remained throughout the colonial period. 

Algeria's heroic resistance to French penetration did not end with the capture, 
imprisonment, and exile of Abd al-Qadir. The French were compelled to fight on until 
1859 in order to subdue other intractable foes. Among the most troublesome were the 
Awlad Sidi Shaykh (q.v.) revolt in western Algeria in 1864 and the Kabyle Revolt of 
1871-1872 (q.v.). 

Concurrently, there was an administrative conflict between the Army and the settlers. 
The colonists resented the military government, or the "rule of the sabre." Though 
northern Algeria became an integral part of France when it was divided into three 
departments in 1848, the military continued its administration except during the short- 
lived Ministry of Algeria and Colonies (1858-1860). Napoleon Ill's (q.v.) directives 
(e.g., the Senatus-Consultes of 1863 and 1865 [q.v.]) sought to lessen the negative 
consequences of colonialism. The Franco-Prussian War interrupted another initiative 
(June 1870) that would have further eroded the French settlers' power by permitting 
greater political participation of Muslims, Jews (who had just benefited from the 
Cremieux Decree [q.v.]), and the European foreign population. 

After the humiliating French defeat in Europe, the difficult suppression of the Kabyle 
Revolt of 1871-1872, and the establishment of the Third Republic, civilian (settler) 
rule was finally secured and safeguarded in Paris by Eugene Etienne (q.v.) 

Page 14 

and his parti co/omfz/.Nevertheless, an investigative Senate study (1892) reappraised 
the Algerian situation and leveled serious charges against the civilian administration. 
Governor-General Jules Cambon's efforts to implement reforms to improve native 
conditions incited intense colonial opposition. Threatened politically by Paris and 
compounded by domestic economic problems and rising anti-Semitism, Algeria 
experienced a European insurrection in 1898, which even suggested an independent 
settler state. Paris backed down and reaffirmed Algeria's civil personality by 
permitting an autonomous budget controlled in Algiers by a Delegations financieres 
(q.v.) and a reorganized Conseil superieur de I'Algerie (q.v.). This was confirmed by 
law in December 1900. 

Though officially assimilated within the French administrative system, colonial 
Algeria featured many anomalies. Unlike the metropolitan departments, Algeria had a 
governor-general, clearly a colonial office, as the chief administrator rather than a 
prefect. The Delegations financieres allowed for a large degree of administrative and 
fiscal autonomy when compared with other French departments. Only Europeans 
could vote, although France had established universal manhood suffrage in 1871. 
Native Algerian males were not allowed to vote until 1919. Even then, only 421,000 of 
them gained access to the ballot box. After World War II, Algerians were permitted to 
vote in a second electoral college (the first being reserved for Europeans, a small 
number of naturalized Frenchmen of Algerian origin, and Jews). Universal suffrage 
was instituted during the War of Independence. 

The colonial period was a disaster for the disinherited colonized. From 1830 to 1940 
almost 3.5 million hectares (8.64 million acres) were taken over by the colonialists. 

The severity of this economic deprivation had profound social effects. Approximately 
3 million people lived in Algeria at the time of the French invasion (1830). By 1871, 
years of warfare, disease, and famine reduced the native population by about one- 
third. The gradual introduction of modern sanitation, hygiene, and medicine, 
however, increased the colonized's population at an extraordinary 

Page 15 

rate. In 1921, there were about 5 million Muslims; by 1956, their numbers inflated to 
approximately 8.5 million. This caused a Malthusian nightmare of vast 
underemployment and unemployment forcing Algerians to seek work in France (q.v. 
Emigrant Labor). Furthermore, the colonized were also deprived of educational 
opportunities (q.v. Education). Muslims fortunate enough to go to school received a 
French education that impressed another culture upon their own repressed one 
compounding an identity dilemma. By 1954, more than 90 percent of the colonized 
were illiterate and only one out of ten Muslim children attended school. 

Approximately 10,000 Europeans (about 5,000 French) in 1834, excluding military 
forces, waited for Louis-Philippe's decision concerning the colonial future of Algeria. 
By 1845, there were 100,000 Europeans in Algeria, which almost matched the number 
of soldiers in pursuit of the elusive Abd al-Qadir. The population reached 250,000 
settlers (130,000 French) in 1870. The settlers eventually were known as colons and 
pieds-noirs (q.v.). When Algeria became financially autonomous in 1900, their 
numbers had swelled to more than 600,000. From 1922 to 1954, the population grew 
from 800,000 to just over 1 million. The Europeans exercised civil and political rights 
and received greater economic and educational opportunities. For example, modern 
agricultural machinery was made more accessible to them which underscored the first 
sector's modern/traditional dichotomy between settlers and natives. Though the image 
of the settlers was often associated with the wealth and influence of the relatively few 
grands colons , most Europeans lived modestly and at levels just slightly better than the 
colonized Muslims. 

Adversely affecting both the colonized and the colonialists, the metropolitan power 
characteristically prevented economic competition by impeding innovation and 
diversification. This resulted in a deeply dependent or "extroverted" Algerian 
economy. Before the War of Independence, France provided about 80 percent of 
Algeria's imports (another 10 percent from the French Union). France also imported 
about 75 percent of Algeria's 

Page 16 

The Maghrib in the Middle Ages 

Page 17 

exports with another 10 percent going to the French Union. Viticulture acted as 
colonial Algeria's chief economic pursuit after phylloxera infestations ravaged French 
vineyards in the late 1870s. In order to maximize profits, cereal fields were replaced 
with vineyards in a land where hunger haunted millions. In 1880, there were 40,000 
hectares devoted to viticulture, but this increased tenfold by 1940. During the War of 
Independence, significant petroleum and huge natural gas deposits (q.v. 
Hydrocarbons) were discovered, which elevated Algeria's strategic importance and 
economic promise. 

The multiple social and economic dislocations caused by colonialism would be 
bequested to independent Algeria. Collectively, these conditions exacerbated the 
frustrating political exclusion of the Algerian people and provoked a desperate and 
violent liberation struggle. 

The Development of Algerian Nationalism 

Algerian nationalism began before World War I, though the first "nationalists" were 
hardly revolutionaries. They were educated in French schools and had "assimilated" 
French culture. A number of these evolues argued with Cartesian logic that the 
realization of authentic assimilation meant the conscription of all Algerians, the 
availability of educational opportunities, the eradication of the Code de I'lndigenat 
(q.v.), the initiation of fiscal equality, and the extension of citizenship. These "Young 
Algerians" (q.v.) were very moderate politically; however, they amplified the 
paradoxes inherent in the colonial relationship. 

World War I had pivotal significance for the colonized. Besides supplying soldiers, 
France imported nearly 120,000 Algerians to replace French workers sent to the front. 
The Algerians joined the thousands who had already emigrated before the war in 
search of work and subsistence. It was the extraordinary commitment and service of 
the colonized (25,000 dead; 22,000 European settlers also perished) on the fronts and 
in the factories during World 

Page 18 

War I that so impressed Premier Georges Clemenceau that he proposed legislation 
(q.v. Clemenceau Reforms; Jonnart Law) to provide Muslims more opportunities to 
participate in government and to acquire full French citizenship. Determined 
colonialist opposition, however, effectively minimized reform. 

The failure to enact fully this legislation galvanized Algerian nationalism. The Amir 
Khalid (Emir Khaled [q.v.]), a grandson of the renowned Abd al-Qadir and a veteran 
promoted to the highest rank attainable by an Algerian Muslim (captain), articulated 
ideas that went beyond those of the Young Algerians. Khalid proposed the end of 
European immigration to Algeria, abolition of the communes mixtes (q.v.), 
compulsory education in French and Arabic, equal political representation in colonial 
assemblies, and especially French citizenship without the loss of Muslim status. These 
demands compelled colonial authorities to deport Khalid in 1923. 

Khalid's efforts, however, influenced others. Ferhat Abbas (q.v.) was at first an 
earnest assimilationist embracing French ideals. Nevertheless, continuing colonial 
oppression and especially insensitivity to the legitimate aspirations of Qvolues 
symbolized by the rejection of the Blum-Viollette legislation (q.v.) of 1936 turned 
Abbas and other moderates toward more radical courses. Messali Hadj (q.v.) 
presented another nationalist alternative. Messali, like Abbas, headed many 
organizations, but his objective never wavered from national independence and social 
revolution. Shaykh Abd al-Hamid ibn Badis (q.v. Ben Badis) was a cultural nationalist 
who believed that French assimilation was impossible. In 1931 he formed the 
Association of Algerian Reformist Ulama (q.v.), a group of religious scholars who 
criticized superstitious practices, upheld orthodox Islamic traditions, and promoted the 
learning of Arabic. His efforts to preserve and protect an Algerian cultural identity 
also led to a political one. Colonialism's inherent divisive and distorted social 
structures produced the elite's heterogeneity and consequently its disunity, which 
jeopardized Algeria's potential for national regeneration and recuperation. 

Page 19 

In February 1943, Abbas proclaimed the Manifesto of the Algerian People (q.v.), 
which called for an autonomous Algeria. It was spurned by colonial authorities. 
Charles de Gaulle's (q.v.) subsequent Ordinance of March 1944 (q.v.), which finally 
granted citizenship to tens of thousands of Algerians without losing their Muslim 
status, was a response to nationalist restlessness, but it failed to impress the 
increasingly impatient elite. Indeed, the nationalists found themselves united as never 
before. Taking advantage of this situation, Abbas organized the Association des Amis 
de la Manifeste (AML) (q.v.). At its first Congress in March 1945, Messali was 
recognized as its leader. The colonialists attempted to crack nationalist solidarity by 
deporting Messali. This decision, which disclosed official insensibility to the 
incendiary political climate, ignited violence at Setif (q.v.) and Guelma in May 1945. 
Demonstrations in these cities celebrating the end of World War II in Europe included 
the display of nationalist placards, which provoked severe rioting leading to terrible 
police and military reprisals. The uprising fractured the fragile unity of the nationalists 
and convinced many Algerians that the only recourse against colonialism was 

The enactment and misapplication of the Statute of 1947 (q.v.) compounded by 
Abbas's and Messali's policies of activism and abstention alienated the brooding 
younger nationalists. In 1947 they mobilized a paramilitary movement called the 
Organisation Speciale (OS) (q.v.), which still associated itself with Messali's recently 
formed Mouvement pour le Triomphe des Libertes Democratiques (MTLD) (q.v.). 
Colonialist police eventually broke up the OS, but its members (e.g., Ahmed Ben 
Bella [q.v.], Rabah Bitat [q.v.], Hocine Ait Ahmed [q.v.], Mohammed Khider [q.v.], 
Mourad Didouche [q.v.], Mohamed Boudiaf [q.v.], Larbi Ben M'hidi [q.v.], Belkacem 
Krim [q.v.], and Mostepha Ben Boulai'd [q.v.], collectively known as the "historic 
leaders/ chiefs" [q.v.]), became the nucleus of the future Comite Revolutionnaire pour 
r Unite et V Action (CRUA) (q.v.) in 1953 and then the Front de Liberation Nationale 
(FLN) (q.v.) the following year. The young elite prepared for national revolution. 

Page 20 

The War of Independence/National Liberation 

The Algerian War of Independence ranks as one of the great Third World struggles of 
decolonization. Independence was achieved because of three reasons: (1) the 
relentless pursuit of fundamental FLN objectives as listed by the Proclamation of 
November 1, 1954 (q.v.), as reinforced by the resolutions of the nationalists' 
Soummam Conference (q.v.) and other declarations; (2) the ability of the FLN to pose 
a security threat to French authority and to attract international attention; and (3) the 
FLN's ability to remain politically viable in spite of its endemic dissension and 
fratricidal tendencies. 

After the initial coordinated operations of October 31 -November 1, 1954, the repeated 
attacks of the Armee de Liberation (ALN) (q.v.) convinced French authorities that the 
rebellion was serious. Premier Pierre Mendes-France pressed for a military solution 
while addressing social and economic needs. In general, this would be the policy 
pursued by the governments of the Fourth Republic and subsequently that of Charles 
de Gaulle's Fifth Republic. Mendes-France and his interior minister, Francis 
Mitterrand (q.v.), recognized the gravity of the situation and the anachronistic Algerian 
colonial condition, but they did not have the political strength to implement a 
decolonization process or to persuade credible Algerian nationalist interlocutors to 
initiate dialogue and possibly negotiation. Before his government fell (February 1955), 
Mendes-France appointed Jacques Soustelle (q.v.) as governor-general. 

Soustelle introduced the idea of "integration" (q. v.), which called for a complete 
political and economic amalgamation of Algeria with France. Carried to its logical 
conclusion, this ultimate assimilation implied the democratization of Algeria. Soustelle 
energetically promoted social service highlighted by the creation of the Sections 
Administratives Specialises (SAS). While the settlers considered the ominous 
ramifications of integration, military operations intensified. 

Page 2 1 

Page 22 

The war suddenly reached a dramatic and terrible height of violence in the FLN- 
planned brutal massacres in the Constantinois (region of Philippeville [Skikda]) in 
August 1955 and in the indiscriminate massive French retribution based on "collective 
responsibility." The vengeful French response to the atrocities, however, alienated the 
moderate Muslims, as 61 Muslim second college deputies of the Algerian Assembly, 
symbolized by the signing of a "Declaration of the Sixty-One" (q.v.), denounced 
French policy (September 25, 1955). The fall of the Edgar Faure government also 
brought down Soustelle's administration. Guy Mollet became the premier carrying a 
reputation sympathetic to Algerian nationalist aspirations. Soon after coming to power 
he visited Algiers in February 1956 and was ignominiously pelted by tomatoes hurled 
by anxious supporters of French Algeria. Though secret diplomatic contacts were later 
made with the FLN, Mollet' s government adhered to the policy aiming to quell the 
revolt while investing development monies. 

Concurrently the ALN suffered greatly at the expense of the French army, which had 
learned the lessons of "revolutionary warfare" {guerre revolutionnaire)fxom its 
grievous humiliation by the Vietminh in Indochina. As the war progressed, the French 
refined a sophisticated use of counterinsurgency tactics. The Algerians rarely fielded 
battalion- sized units. Nevertheless, the ALN secured a section of Kabylia undetected 
by the French, which allowed the FLN to hold the significant Soummam Conference. 

Dominated by the fiery Ramdane Abane (q.v.), the conference reiterated FLN 
objectives, and its "platform" fashioned a preliminary framework for the development 
of the future state. It created a 34-member Comite National de la Revolution 
Algerienne (CNRA) (q.v.) and a five-member Comite de Coordination et d Execution 
(CCE) (q.v.) to manage policies between deliberations of the larger body. The growing 
internal versus external elite rivalry intensified since Kabyles played a prominent role 
at Soummam, which upset Ben Bella and other FLN Arabs operating in foreign 
capitals, who heard about the Conference 

Page 23 

after it had taken place. Furthermore, the construction of the Morice Line (q.v.) along 
the Tunisian border effectively prevented exterior ALN sappers from reaching their 
isolated and often demoralized fighting comrades in the interior. This impeded 
military support and embittered relations between ALN "external" and "internal" 

The Algerian War of Independence featured not only the FLN's intraelite contention 
but also interelite conflict. A month after the FLN's November Proclamation, Messali 
Hadj mobilized his Mouvement Nationaliste Algerien (MNA) (q.v.). Failed efforts to 
unite the two organizations had hostile and tragic consequences. As French forces laid 
back, ALN and MNA units conducted ferocious attacks on each other. The degree of 
fratricidal violence was symbolized by the ALN massacre of MNA sympathizers at 
Melouza (q.v.) in May 1957. Even after the MNA was no longer viable, Messali 
refused to recognize the FLN's legitimacy or its claim to be the sole voice of the 
Algerian nationalist movement. 

The most controversial strategic decision reached at Soummam was to initiate an 
urban guerrilla campaign. Targeting Algiers, the ALN used tactics of assassinations 
and bombings (often conducted by attractive young Algerian women passing as 
Europeans), which gripped the city in terror. General Jacques Massu's paratroopers 
( paras)wQYQ called in from the field {bled) to terminate the assaults. The ALN 
organization was defeated, but the political consequence was costly because the 
French had resorted to torture in order to obtain information. This amplified the war 
internationally, which had already attracted worldwide attention given United Nations 
deliberations and especially the October 1956 air hijacking of the "historic leaders" 

Ben Bella, Khider, Boudiaf, Ait Ahmed, and Bitat. 

The French military, aiming to expunge its humiliation in Indochina, prided itself on 
its Algerian successes. It feared, however, that the civilian government would negate 
its achievement. This led to distrust and disobedience of the government's command 
and control as exemplified by the unauthorized air assault into Tunisia (q.v. Sakiet 
Sidi Youssef). In May 1958, the 

Page 24 

Army and insurrectionary settlers seized the offices of the governor-general. The 
Fourth Republic's authority suddenly vanished as a hastily organized "Committee of 
Public Safety" in Algiers demanded that General de Gaulle be given office. The 
military and the settlers' conclusion that de Gaulle was the only one who could 
preserve French Algeria was their decisive miscalculation. 

After coming to power, de Gaulle's immediate policy toward Algeria was a 
continuation of Fourth Republic initiatives. Though de Gaulle's discourse has been 
termed "Delphic," he had indicated several years earlier before returning to power that 
he supported a new French- Algerian relationship. He perceived that French financial, 
technical, and cultural (educational) assistance could secure a reformulated 
"association," which would protect strategic French interests and preserve an 
influential long-term presence. Financial allocations in all sectors rose rapidly (q.v. 
Constantine Plan). More children attended Algerian schools from 1958 to 1962 than 
between 1830 and 1958. Attention was also given to the emigrant worker community 
in France. It was a symbiotic relationship rather than a politically integrationist one 
that de Gaulle wanted to achieveand in many ways he succeeded. 

As political momentum grew in Paris, the FLN responded with its formation in 
September 1958 of a "Provisional Government of the Algerian Republic" (GPRA) 
(q.v.) presided by Ferhat Abbas. It rebuffed de Gaulle's suggestion of a "Peace of the 
Brave" (q.v.) in October 1958 and criticized his projected "special place" for Algeria 
within the French Community, de Gaulle's internal political reforms (e.g., more 
Algerian departments) failed to sway the nationalists or, more important, the native 
masses. In September 1959, de Gaulle concluded that self-determination would be his 
government's new policy. This provoked a settler uprising in Algiers in January 1960, 
which de Gaulle ended with difficulty through persuasion. 

At this time French armed forces, under the able command of General Maurice Challe 
(q.v.), conducted very effective airmobile 

Page 25 

operations, which crippled the ALN, in desperate need at that time of logistical 
support. In June 1960, de Gaulle invited the FLN to preliminary discussions. A week 
later, Ali Boumendjel (q.v.) and Mohammed Ben Yahia (q.v.) met with French 
officials in Melun (q.v. Melun Conference) outside of Paris. While talks held there 
were not substantial, they were cordial. In November, de Gaulle spoke of an "Algerian 
Algeria." This further alienated the settler establishment and angered politicized 
professional soldiers. When campaigning in Algeria in support of the referendum of 
January 1961, which confirmed French support for self-determination, de Gaulle 
observed that Muslims rather than settlers welcomed him. Concurrently, grisly 
violence in Algiers (December 1960) between the Muslim and settler communities 
convinced de Gaulle that decolonization must end soon. 

In April 1961, de Gaulle reaffirmed publicly that his policy was decolonization. Later 
that month four generals, Challe, Raoul Salan (q.v.), Edmond Jouhaud, and Andre 
Zeller, led a revolt in Algiers, banking on the collaboration of other professional units, 
de Gaulle's indomitable presence and stature again predominated. Challe and Zeller 
surrendered while Salan and Jouhaud joined the Organisation de I'Armee Secrete 
(OAS) (q.v.). 

The Evian Accords (Q.V.) and the Transition to Independence 

Earnest negotiations began in Evian, France, on May 20 between the Algerian 
delegation, led by Belkacem Krim and its French counterpart led by Louis Joxe (q.v.). 
On June 13, talks broke down, particularly over Algerian sovereignty of the Sahara, 
which the French claimed was not really part of Algeria, and the political status of the 
European community in the future independent state. An attempt to revitalize 
discussions in July failed. Meanwhile terrorism in Algeria and France increased. 
Anarchy and savagery heightened the alienation between both communities in Algeria 
and France. 

Page 26 





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Page 27 

Both sides returned to negotiations held secretly at Les Rousses in the Jura Mountains 
in February 1962 where an agreement was reached. Final negotiations at Evian began 
on March 7 and at last a cease-fire was proclaimed at noon on March 19. The Evian 
Accords provided for Algerian political independence while preserving a French 
presence through "cooperation" (q.v.). On the other hand, France retained control of 
the Saharan fields and its military bases while continuing its social and economic aid. 
There would be no double citizenship for the settlers. After three years, they would 
have to choose between being French or Algerian. 

The conclusion of the Evian Accords did not mean the end of the conflict. 
Abderrahmane Fares (q.v.), the head of the transitional Provisional Executive 
administration, tried unsuccessfully to reconcile the settler and native communities. 
Even with arrests of its leaders, the OAS's violence intensified into a nihilistic 
"scorched earth" campaign further ravaging the war-torn country. The resultant chaos 
provoked the flight of hundreds of thousands of settlers to France, leaving their land 
and property behind. The OAS finally resigned itself to the pressing realities and 
signed an agreement in June with the FLN that mirrored the guarantees to the settlers 
as stipulated by the increasingly anachronistic Evian Accords. 

The Accords were not only vitiated by the settlers' sudden and massive repatriation, 
but also by the FLN's Tripoli Program (q.v.). This document challenged the 
neocolonial impositions of the Accords and proclaimed the elite's exercise of a 
"socialist option." Under these rapidly changing circumstances, a referendum was held 
on July 1 by which 91 percent of the Algerian voters selected independence, de Gaulle 
proclaimed Algeria independent on July 3. Algeria officially declared its national 
liberation on July 5, 1962, 132 years after the French seizure of Algiers. 

Official Algerian estimates claimed that 1.5 million colonized perished in the struggle. 
These numbers have caused considerable historiographical controversies. Xavier 
Yacono disputed these numbers, given the numbers who participated in the 

Page 28 

of July 1 and the census of 1966. Belkacem Krim contended that 300,000 met their 
deaths. Alistair Horne and David C. Gordon have calculated that wartime deprivations 
such as population displacement added casualties that could bring the figure nearer to 
1 million. Despite the quantitative controversy, all would agree that the country was in 
a condition of multiple dislocation. 

Politically, it took several more months to achieve peace. The fragile unity maintained 
by the FLN/ALN during the War of Independence fractured as various political and 
military national elites began to compete for power. The GPRA, under President Ben 
Youssef Ben Khedda (q.v.), who had replaced Ferhat Abbas in August 1961, wished 
to continue its authority. It was immediately challenged by other GPRA members who 
had been held in French prisons (e.g., Ben Bella, Khider, Boudiaf, Ait Ahmed, Bitat) 
and Abbas. With a few exceptions, the internal military liked neither the "externar 
ALN based in Morocco and Tunisia nor the politicians of the GPRA. 

Ben Khedda arrived in Algiers first. ALN chief Houari Boumedienne (q.v.), however, 
refused to obey orders from the GPRA's president and came to terms with Ben Bella. 
The two crossed into Algeria and setup headquarters in Tlemcen on July 11, 1962. 

Ben Bella, Khider, and Ait Ahmed then created a "Political Bureau" (also known as the 
Tlemcen Group) to oppose the GPRA. As the external ALN troops moved toward 
Algiers, they had to fight several pitched battles with internal units. It was a tragic 
culmination that tainted the nationalists' heroic revolutionary legacy. The FLN never 
recovered from this fratricide or tolerated the same degree of pluralism until forced to 
by the consequence of the October 1988 riots (q.v.). The new nation drifted toward 
authoritarianism and soon military dictatorship. Full-blown civil war was avoided 
because of the intervention of mass demonstrations organized by the Union Generate 
des Travailleurs Algeriens (UGTA). 

After considerable political maneuvering, an Algerian Assembly with constituent 
powers was elected; it met on September 25, 1962, and chose Ferhat Abbas as its 
president. The next day, Ben 

Page 29 

National Liberation Army Military Regions, 1954-62 

Page 30 

Bella was elected prime minister. He immediately organized a cabinet staffed by his 
partisans, by associates of Boumedienne, and by a few "historic leaders." The new 
government faced grievous economic problems. 

The extroverted, "disarticulated" colonial economy needed a total reorientation. The 
FLN's "socialist option" inferred state planning and projected in the long term the 
introversion of an integrated national economy. With the untapped potential of 
Saharan hydrocarbons, the outlook appeared promising. In the short term, however, 
the flight of colonial cadres and capital severely dislocated the economy because few 
of the colonized were trained to manage strategic sectors. Furthermore, the ineluctable 
postcolonial ties to France (perpetuated, too, by the policy of cooperation) qualified 
Algeria's revolutionary image besides independence. 

Socially, the dislocation was dreadful. The massive repatriation, or "expatriation," of 
the European community, including skilled professionals such as teachers and doctors, 
was not anticipated by either French or Algerian authorities. Furthermore, native 
society, already destructured by colonialism, was devastated by the war, producing a 
demographic disaster. Besides the enormous casualties, more than 2 million colonized 
had been displaced and "regrouped." The turmoil and terror in the countryside 
(bled ) forced the colonized to flee to the cities, resulting in overcrowding exacerbating 
inadequate services. 

Above all, independence left Algeria existentially disoriented. Algeria had to free itself 
from foreign political, economic, social, and cultural structures (i.e., mentalities) in 
order to experience an authentic liberation. The definition of an inclusive national 
identity taking into account Algeria's historic cultural pluralism remains a persistent 
and problematic project. 

Algeria under Ahmed Ben Bella , 1962-1965 

Once in power, Ahmed Ben Bella moved to consolidate his position. His government 
outlawed opposition parties (e.g., the 

Page 3 1 

PCA [q.v. Algerian Communist Party], the regenerated PPA [q.v.], which had been the 
MNA, and the recently formed PRS [q.v.]). Henceforth, the FLN would be the only 
legal party. Ben Bella then maneuvered to gain FLN control over the UGTA, which he 
managed to do by packing the Union's Congress early in 1963. He pushed a 
constitution (q.v.) through the Algerian Assembly, which created a presidential 
republic with a one-party (the FLN) system. This constitution was adopted by a 
national referendum followed by elections. In September 1963, Ben Bella was elected 
to a five-year term as president. 

There was both symbolic and serious resistance to Ben Bella's increasing 
authoritarianism. A disappointed Ferhat Abbas resigned as president of the National 
Assembly in protest of Ben Bella's amassed personal power. Mohammed Khider 
criticized the growing influence of the military, and he, too, resigned from his post of 
secretary-general of the FLN and chose exile. Beginning in October-November 1963, 
Ben Bella had to fight off an armed rebellion based in Kabylia led by Ait Ahmed and 
Mohand Ou El Hadj (q.v.). A military insurrection commenced in the southeast in 
1964 commanded by Colonel Mohamed Chaabani (q.v.). Although both Ait Ahmed 
and Chaabani were captured (the latter was executed), Ben Bella remained politically 
insecure during his years in power. 

Nevertheless, Ben Bella provided, as Robert Merle (q.v. Bibliography) contended, 
"purpose and direction" to Algerian independence. He asserted Algerian sovereignty 
and gained considerable popular support by nationalizing vacated European lands and 
properties (March and October 1963 Decrees) and by adopting the "self-management" 
(< autogestion [q.v.]) system, which he proclaimed to be Algeria's unique contribution 
to socialism. His foreign policy effectively presented Algeria as a Third World leader 
championing national liberation movements and struggles against colonialism and 
neocolonialism. Algeria's most important international relationship was with France. 
Ben Bella and his successor, Houari Boumedienne, delicately balanced conflict with 
cooperation. Critical of the neocolonial 

Page 32 

presence of French military bases and of hydrocarbon concessions, Ben Bella also 
realized that Algeria was dependent upon France in every way, especially with regard 
to technical and educational services. Bilateral relations were particularly strained over 
the nationalization of settler property, French atomic testing, and the inaugural 
construction of a third oil trunk line by the national enterprise SONATRACH (q.v. 

Though relations with its Maghribi neighbors had been "fraternal" during the war, 
they cooled immediately after independence. President Bourguiba of Tunisia had 
hoped to adjust Algerian borders in order to share hydrocarbon wealth. Furthermore, 
Bourguiba accused Algeria of harboring plotters conspiring against his government. 
Relations declined also with Morocco. The FLN had agreed to negotiate the 
contentious colonial frontiers after the war, but Ben Bella now claimed that they were 
unalterable. This led to the outbreak of the brief Border War of October-November 
1963 (q.v.). 

By mid- 1964, after Ben Bella had eliminated practically all the "Historic Leaders" from 
public life, he began to move against the supporters of Boumedienne, his erstwhile 
ally. First he ordered all prefects to report directly to the presidency; Ahmed Medeghri 
(q.v.), the minister of the interior and one of Boumedienne's staunchest supporters, 
resigned in protest (July 1964). Next, Ben Bella attempted to dismiss Abdelaziz 
Bouteflika (q.v.), the minister of foreign affairs. Boumedienne retaliated by launching 
a bloodless coup d'etat, dubbed the "historical rectification" of June 17, 1965, which 
deposed Ben Bella. 

Algeria under Houari Boumedienne 

A new body called the Council of the Revolution (q.v.) assumed political authority; 
Boumedienne emerged as president of the Council, prime minister, and minister of 
defense. He moved quickly to create a new government (July 10, 1965), which 
included several men who had served under Ben Bella (most 

Page 33 

notably Medeghri and Bouteflika). Soldiers dominated the Council, which frequently 
met with the Cabinet. The new ministers were generally civilian technocrats as well as 
military men. Another change was the creation of a five-man Secretariat for the FLN. 
This new institution was charged with the task of revitalizing the party besides 
expediting relations between the FLN and the government. Boumedienne also 
dismissed a number of European advisers, men of Communist, Trotskyist, and Maoist 
convictions, who had surrounded Ben Bella. He felt that these consultants had no 
roots in Algeria; they neither understood nor valued Algeria's Arabic and Islamic 
culture. "Algeria," Boumedienne declared in a June 30, 1965, speech, "wants to be 
Algeria, and that is all." 

By far, Boumedienne's most important initiatives during his presidency concerned 
economic planning and state building. His government implemented a Three- Year 
(Pre-Plan) and two Four- Year Plans (q.v. State Plans) (1967-1977) that concentrated 
on capital-intensive export industry (i.e., hydrocarbons) in order to accumulate 
revenues for reinvestment. This was strategically important because Algeria, although 
allowing foreign investment (though under stringent codes), expected to finance its 
own development. 

Besides accelerating Algeria's "industrial revolution," Boumedienne inaugurated an 
"Agrarian Revolution" (q.v.) and a "Cultural Revolution" (q.v.) in 1971. These 
ambitious enterprises correlated with the government's carefully cultivated 
revolutionary image. During his rule, Boumedienne encouraged the growth of the 
UGTA and organized the UNPA (peasants) and the UNJA (youth). These official 
efforts to mobilize the masses were a mixed success. 

Foreign policy continued to be an expression and extension of internal policy. 
Mirroring Ben Bella's policy, but not his flamboyance, Boumedienne also projected 
Algeria as a Third World leader and reaffirmed the need for a North- South dialogue. It 
was Boumedienne's Algeria that championed the "Group of 77" less-developed 
countries in their quest to publicize the 

Page 34 

economic plight of the developing world. Algeria also sponsored the special session 
of the United Nations in 1974, which proposed a new economic order between the 
have and have-not countries. 

The relationship with France inevitably transformed. Algeria welcomed the Algiers 
Accords, an innovative hydrocarbons and industrial development agreement (q.v. 
Hydrocarbons). Boumedienne continued, however, the systematic policy of 
postcolonial decolonization by eventually removing French military and hydrocarbon 
presences. The last French base (at Bou Sfer) was handed over in December 1970. 
Then in February 1971, after an arduous negotiation, French hydrocarbon concessions 
were nationalized, which was called a victory in "the battle for oil." This temporarily 
ended the privileged French- Algerian relationship. Furthermore, Algeria prohibited 
further emigration to France in September 1973, given the hostility directed against 
that community. 

When President Giscard d'Estaing visited Algiers in April 1975, Boumedienne 
expressed his wish to "turn the page." Anticipation of better relations, if not renewed 
privileged relations were dashed by France's reluctance to redress the trade imbalance 
and especially by Paris's support of the Tripartite or Madrid Accords (q.v.) of 
November 1975, which partitioned the bordering Spanish Sahara between Morocco 
and Mauritania. Algeria responded by providing havens for refugees and the 
POLISARIO (q.v.), the Sahrawi people's liberation organization. French aerial 
intervention against the POLISARIO (1977-1978) especially angered Algeria. 

Boumedienne's command of the military and his paternalistic attitude toward the 
growth of an Algerian technocracy allowed him to amass immense political authority 
and to build a state. His power was threatened only during the early years of his 
regime. In 1965-1966 and 1968, sporadic student protests occurred. In December 
1967, Boumedienne destroyed an attempted military coup led by Tahar Zbiri (q.v.), 
and in April 1968 he survived an assassination attempt. There was also the formation 
of opposition parties (e.g., ORP, OCRA, PRS, MDRA). The mysterious deaths 

Page 35 

of exiled Mohammed Khider (1967) and Belkacem Krim (1970) eliminated influential 
rivals. Former President Ben Bella remained in house arrest despite international 
protest. Uncharacteristically, Boumedienne allowed considerable public debate 
concerning the drafting of the National Charter (q.v.). The Charter and Constitution 
proclaimed in 1976 were the capstones of Boumedienne's political institutionalization. 

On December 27, 1978, Boumedienne died from a rare blood disease. Rabah Bitat, the 
president of the National Assembly, became interim president of the Republic. An 
FLN Party Congress then selected a compromise candidate, Chadli Benjedid (q.v.), as 
secretary-general of the FLN and sole candidate for the presidency of Algeria; he was 
elected on February 7, 1979. The smooth transition of power bore witness to the 
effectiveness of the timely institutional changes engineered by Boumedienne. 

Algeria under Chadli Benjedid , 1979-1992 

Unlike Presidents Ben Bella and Boumedienne, Chadli Benjedid was more pragmatic 
than ideological. At first, President Benjedid appeared committed to his predecessor's 
socialist state-building model; however, he soon proposed more balanced economic 

Benjedid's First 5-Year Plan (1980-1984) devoted significant attention to agriculture 
and infrastructure while braking the accelerated capital-intensive heavy 
industrialization of Boumedienne's planners. The second sector was not neglected 
because projects from earlier plans continued to be addressed. Nevertheless, since 
domestic agricultural production accounted for only about 30 percent of the country's 
alimentary needs, the first sector needed immediate development. Benjedid's 
government also symbolically reversed the Agrarian Revolution of the 1970s by 
resolving to return 450,000 hectares to private hands. Algeria's burgeoning population 
growth necessitated greater allocations to the tertiary sector, especially toward housing 

Page 36 

Economic Activity, 1985 

Page 37 

Deteriorating economic conditions qualified the Second Five-Year Plan (1985-1989), 
which featured an objective of horizontally integrating sectors. Financing the 
investment and introversion of the economy continued to be hydrocarbon export 
revenues. Consequently, as long as its oil prices remained high and export market 
demand stayed relatively inelastic, index-based revenues (with regard to natural gas) 
could sustain ambitious development plans. The government also attempted to attract 
greater foreign investment especially in hydrocarbons (e.g., liberal 1986 legislation). 

Benjedid inaugurated the decentralization of the government's statist economic and 
political structures. Powerful state companies such as SONATRACH were 
"restructured" into smaller operations. In addition, this socialist country quietly and 
later openly encouraged private enterprise. The establishment of new wilayat (states) 
(from 34 to 48) also permitted greater local participation and control. 

Algeria's changing domestic policy was reflected in its foreign relations. Benjedid 
attempted to temper Algeria's past radicalism while maintaining its avant-garde Third 
World reputation. Taking advantage of its extraordinary range of diplomatic 
associations, Algeria offered itself as a mediating Third World "parley" (rather than 
"proxy") state to disputing nations (e.g., United States-Iran, Iraq-Iran, and France- 
Lebanon [i.e., its political factions]). In addition, its global activism was redirected 
toward regional Maghrib i and western Mediterranean affairs. 

Benjedid attempted to resolve differences with neighboring states by pursuing 
Maghrib unity (q.v.), an elusive economic and political objective. This resulted in 
1983 with amity accords with Tunisia and Mauritania (which signed an accord in 1979 
with the POLISARIO terminating its involvement in Western Sahara's partition). 

Sharp differences over the Western Sahara prevented a similar reconciliation with 
Morocco. Benjedid and King Hassan II met in 1983 and 1987, which marginally 
improved relations but still contributed toward the restoration of relations in June 
1988. Algeria's aspiration to solve the Western Saharan War within the 

Page 38 

framework of a Greater Maghrib was underscored when Morocco and POLISARIO 
consented to a U.N. -promoted peace proposal in August 1988. Though a final 
settlement of the Saharan War was not reached (a self-determination referendum 
projected before the end of 1991 never took place), the overall promising regional 
initiatives and achievements contributed to the creation in February 1989 of the "Arab 
Maghrib Union" (q.v.) dedicated to regional cooperation and integration. 

Benjedid also pursued a more positive relationship with France. This was highlighted 
by President Francis Mitterrand's (q.v.) visit to Algiers in 1981, which resulted in a 
memorable Liquefied Natural Gas (LNG) Accord in February 1982 (q.v. 
Hydrocarbons) and a period of heightened cooperation (termed at that time as "co- 
development"). Relations declined in the mid-1980s, but France revived its economic 
and political support after the 1988 riots (q.v.) (financial and LNG accords [January 
1989]; Mitterrand visit [March 1989]). 

Though Benjedid's administration received general public support, there were threats 
to its stability. First, there were the ousted "superindustrialist" planners (e.g., Belaid 
Abdesselam [q.v.]) from the Boumedienne era, who questioned the reoriented state 
planning. Benjedid responded by streamlining the governing Political Bureau and 
staffing it with loyalists, while offering ideological opponents other positions. Second, 
the disconcerting emergence of Islamic populism challenged the government's 
secularism. Benjedid signaled his sensibility by releasing imprisoned Islamist leaders 
in May 1984. Furthermore, the Family Law of 1984 (q.v.) reinforced traditional 
Islamic law, while disappointing women's groups (q.v. Women). Third, Berber unrest 
over cultural identity questions incited disturbances in 1980, 1982, and 1986. Fourth, 
the rising expectations of Algeria's youth, the rapidly maturing national generation, 
were frustrated by a lack of social and economic opportunities. Educational 
opportunity was a primary postcolonial objective, but highly trained Algerians found 
it impossible to find employment. By the late 1980s, these political and social 
problems were compounded 

Page 39 

by depressed hydrocarbon prices and economic shortages. Public distress and 
discontent provoked the fierce and widespread October 1988 riots (q.v.), causing 
heavy casualties, which discredited the FLN's political legitimacy and historic legacy 

Benjedid quickly initiated reforms. A referendum in November 1988 reduced 
presidential power by giving the prime minister more responsibility. (Benjedid was 
reelected president in December.) The Constitution of February 1989 (q.v.) was 
acclaimed by referendum and projected a multiparty state, thereby terminating the 
FLN's monopoly of power. Legislation enacted in July 1989 permitted the legalization 
of opposition parties. Political liberalization generated a variety of political parties, 
newspapers, organizations, etc., (q.v. Appendices), which collectively illustrated the 
vitality and diversity of Algerian historical, besides political, culture. In September, the 
Islamic Salvation Front (FIS) (q.v.), the chief Islamist party, received its legal status as 
an oppostion party. Hocine Ait Ahmed, the enduring opposition leader, repatriated in 
December after 23 years of exile. Ben Bella returned the following year. 

In June 1990, the first free elections in Algeria's history gave the FIS stunning 
victories in local races (q.v. Elections of June 1990). Observers considered the Islamist 
success a consequence of protest voting against the political establishment. 
Parliamentary elections were slated for the following June. Electoral law changes 
enacted in April by the FLN-dominated Assembles Nationale Populaire (ANP) 
particularly infuriated the FIS and led to protests in May and June, which culminated 
with the arrests of its leaders Abassi Madani (q.v.) and Ali Ben Hadj (q.v.) (q.v. 
Elections of June 1991). Elections were rescheduled for December, when the first 
round resulted in another astonishing FIS triumph (q.v. Elections of December 1991). 

The High Council of State {January 1992-) 

The spectre of an Islamist party in power alarmed civilian and military elites. The 
realization that Benjedid remained committed 

Page 40 

to the democratic process and the completion of the second electoral round compelled 
a powerful group to confront the president On January 11, 1992, President Benjedid 
was forced to resign by a "High Council of Security." It was renamed on January 14, 
as the "High Council of State" (HCS) (q.v.) and officially took over power presided 
over by the former historic chief, Mohamed Boudiaf. The elections were cancelled 
and the HCS declared a yearlong national state of emergency. The Islamist rejection of 
the HCS forced massive arrests and the subsequent establishment of controversial 
internment camps. This produced domestic outrage and international disapproval. 
Student unrest also necessitated police intervention on national campuses. Most 
distressing, Islamist protest turned violent (especially after the FIS lost its legal status) 
as the Mouvement Islamique Arme (MIA) (q.v.) targeted police officers and soldiers. 
By the end of 1992, it was estimated that between 200 and 400 members of security 
forces had been killed. 

President Boudiaf, a fiercely independent man, hoped to earn the confidence of the 
country while strengthening his political position. In April, a consultative body 
(■ Conseil consultatif national [CCN] [q.v.]) convened to assist or at least 
accommodate the HCS. In June, the President appealed for a "national patriotic rally" 

( Rassemblement National Patriotique),a thinly disguised attempt to mobilize a unity 
party. Boudiaf attacked corruption highlighted by the indictment in May of General 
Mostefa Benloucif (Belloucif) (q.v.), the former Chief of the General Staff. Boudiaf s 
increasingly assertive leadership ended on June 29, when he was assassinated while 
delivering a speech in Annaba. The subsequent inconclusive investigation of his death 
cast suspicions on not only the Islamist opposition, but also Boudiaf s own 

Ali Kafi (q.v.), a member of the HCS, became president; along with Prime Minister 
Belaid Abdesselam he now faces enormous problems. The anarchic political situation 
has worsened as symbolized by the gruesome bombing at the Algiers airport in August 
1992 (9 reported deaths and many wounded). The 

Page 41 

government's efforts to end the violence has threatened the recently gained civil and 
constitutional rights. (In October President Kafi signed a law that would permit 
sentences without recourse to appeal from five years to the death penalty for acts of 
terror.) In addition, the economy is collapsing under a $26 billion foreign debt burden 
(consuming about three-quarters of external receipts) compounded by an inflation rate 
of 30 percent. Unemployment is modestly estimated at 25 percent. In August 1993, 
Reda Malek (q.v.) replaced Abdesselam as prime minister. During that same month the 
increasing violence claimed the life of ex-prime minister Kasdi Merbah (q.v.) and 
members of his family. The HCS appointed in January 1994 Liamine Zeroual (q.v.) as 
Algeria's sixth president. He appears determined to initiate a dialogue with the 
Islamists in order to stem the escalating internecine conflict that has taken 
approximately 4,000 lives (April 1994). Though politics and economics usually 
receive the most attention, there is also the enduring and intensifying cultural issue, 
which has taken on heightened significance during this protracted crisis: the national 
inability to recognize and reconcile its historical and social legacies. Algeria is poised 
before an epochal transformation, which will lead toward national deliverance or 

Page 43 

The Dictionary 


ABA, NOUREDDINE (b. 1921). 

Poet Noureddine Aba was born in Setif (q.v.), but he spent a large part of his life in 
France. During World War II, he served in the Italian and French campaigns. After the 
war he was a journalist and became an activist for the Palestinian cause. He returned 
to Algeria in 1977. Among his published poetic works are: L'Aube de V amour (1941); 
La Toussaint des enigmes (1963); Montjoie Palestine! ou Van dernier a Jerusalem 
(1970); Le Chant perdu au pays retrouve (1978); and Gazelle apres minuit : Chants 
d amour et de guerre de la Revolution algerienne (1979); and Cetait hier Sabra et 
Chatila (1983). He won the Prix de VAfrique mediterraneenne for Le Chant perdu 
and Gazelle apres minuit. He has also written children's stories {La Gazelle egaree 
[The Stray Gazelle][\919] in Arabic; Les Quatres anes et VecureuH). Several of his 
plays have been broadcast by the ORTF {Office de la Radio et Television Franqaise ): 
Le Gain dune defaite , Ziryab Penchanteur, La Verite a portant. According to Jean 
Dejeux (q.v. Bibliography), Noureddine Aba's contributions resemble those of 
Mohammed Dib's (q.v.) works because they explore the universal qualities of human 
beings beyond pretense and politics. 

ABANE (ABBANE), RAMDANE (1920-1957). 

FLN (q.v.) leader during the War of Independence. A Kabyle (q.v.) born in Azouza, 
Abane served as a noncommissioned officer in the French Army during World War II 
and as a functionary in the colonial administration. He was attracted, however, to the 
PPA (q.v.) and soon left his job to devote himself full 

Page 44 

time to the nationalist organization. He quickly rose to the position of party leader in 
the Setif region. Abane was arrested in the wake of the French discovery of the OS 
(q.v.), although he was apparently not an active member of that secret paramilitary 
organization. Released in January 1955, he joined the FLN (q.v.) (after being contacted 
by Amar Ouamrane [q.v.]). He was apparently instrumental in getting members of the 
UDMA (q.v.), the PCA, and the Association of Reformist Ulama (q.v.) to join the 
liberation organization. 

Abane is best known for his role at the Soummam Congress (q.v.), which, under his 
fiery leadership, adopted a platform and administrative organization of which 
members of the external delegation of the FLN (particularly Ahmed Ben Bella [q.v] 
and Mohamed Boudiaf [q.v.]) disapproved. Though Soummam had presented a 
framework for collegial or collective political leadership, Abane was the unofficial 
leader. He was a member of the CNRA (q.v.) and of the CCE (q.v.) from 1956 until his 
assassination in December 1957. Abane's role at the Soummam Congress and his 
refusal to abandon his thesis that the internal leadership of the ALN (q.v.)-FLN should 
dominate the external delegation and that the civilian FLN should control the military 
made him very unpopular in several nationalist quarters. With his political power and 
position endangered, Ramdane castigated the "colonels" (ALN commanders; there 
were no "generals" in order to promote a sense of equality among commanders) and 
their "wilayism. "Abane's acerbity was directed particularly at the powerful Wilaya V 
commander, Abdelhafid Boussouf (q.v.). Abane's rancor also alienated sympathetic 
ALN commanders. His murder by the military in December 1957 eliminated the 
tempestuous Kabyle, but it also removed a dynamic ideologist who could have 
possibly presented a social and economic program for the revolution. His death 
signaled that the military had become the decisive force in Algerian politics. Recent 
historiography has reas- 

Page 45 

sessed Abane's contribution to the Revolution and rehabilitated his reputation as a 
vigorous nationalist. 

ABBAS, FERHAT (1899-1985). 

Nationalist; president of the GPRA (q.v.), National Assembly. Abbas was born in 
Taher into a family prominently associated with French rule. His father, a caid at 
Chahna near Constantine (q.v.), was a recipient of the silver braid and a rosette of the 
Legion of Honor. In 1909, Abbas entered the lycee at Philippeville (Skikda). After 
three years in the French army's medical service, he enrolled in the pharmacy school 
at the University of Algiers (opened a pharmacy in Setif [q.v.] in 1931). 

Abbas's political career evolved from an assimilationist to a revolutionary. In his first 
book, Le Jeune Algerien: De la colonie vers la province (1931), he criticized the 
failure of French colonialism to fulfill its assimilationist ideals. Abbas and Dr. 
Mohammed Saleh Bendjelloul (q.v.) led the Federation des Elus indigenes (founded 
in 1927), which promoted the moderate reforms called for earlier by the Young 
Algerians (q.v.). He also held the posts of municipal councilor for Setif (1935) and 
general councilor for Constantine (1934). He became a member of the Delegations 
financieres (q.v.) in 1936. 

Abbas enthusiastically embraced the Blum-Viollette Bill (q.v.), which would have 
granted full French citizenship to 20,000 to 30,000 assimilated Algerians. The failure 
of the Blum-Viollette Bill split the moderates as Dr. Bendjelloul founded the 
Rassemblement Franco-Musulman Algerien while Abbas organized the Union 
Populaire Algerien (UPA), a party that called for full citizenship for all Muslims and 
that asserted that Algeria had a separate identity from that of France. This latter 
position had profound personal and political significance for Abbas because it 
represented a redefinition of his contention in a famous 1936 article in the 
Federation's newspaper, Entente, where he wrote that he 

Page 46 

was unable to find an Algerian nation and thereby linked Algeria's future to France. 

Abbas volunteered for service at the beginning of World War II, but he was alienated 
by the French defeat, Vichy administration, and then by Free French General Giraud's 
insensibility toward reform while he concurrently exhorted Muslims to enlist (though 
not on an equal basis) and to sacrifice their lives. Abbas reacted by promulgating the 
"Manifesto of the Algerian People" (. Le Manifeste du Peuple algerien [q.v. ]) in 
February 1943 followed by a more explicit supplement (influenced by Messalists) 
called the Projet de reformes faisant suite au Manifeste in May. These documents 
proposed an autonomous Algerian state associated with France. 

Though Charles de Gaulle's Ordinance of March 7, 1944 (q.v.) surpassed the Blum- 
Viollette Bill's provisions, assimilation no longer coincided with the aspirations of the 
moderate nationalist elite. Concurrently, Abbas organized the Association des Amis du 
Manifeste et de la Liberte (AML) (q.v.), which briefly unified the Association of 
Reformist Ulama (q.v.) and Messali Hadj's PPA (q.v.). Messali was recognized as the 
leader of AML. The elite demanded the establishment of an Algerian republic 
federated to France. Under PPA pressure, the AML took an even more radical 
position, calling for an Algerian government with a reduced French attachment. 

Messalist agitation (exacerbated by the decision to deport Messali in April 1945, 
compounded by economic frustrations) contributed to the bloody uprisings at Setif 
and Guelma in May and the consequent fierce colonialist retributions. Abbas was 
confined to house arrest. After his release, he founded the Union Democratique du 
Manifeste Algerien (UDMA) (q.v.) in 1946, which sought an autonomous Algerian 
state within the French Union. Abbas also served in the Second French Constituent 
Assembly and as a member of the Muslim College of the Algerian Assembly (1947- 

Page 47 

During the first 18 months of the War of Independence, Abbas attempted to act as an 
intermediary between the Front de Liberation Nationale (FLN) (q.v.) and the French, 
though the UDMA itself was targeted by the ALN (q.v.). Finally in April 1956, Abbas 
along with other moderates declared for the FLN and joined the liberation 

Recognizing Abbas's international prestige, the FLN appointed Abbas on September 
19, 1958, as the president of the Gouvernement Provisoire de la Republique 
Algerienne (GPRA) (q.v.). Though Abbas's chief preoccupation was Algerian 
independence, he also pursued activities that related to the country's independent 
future. For example, he participated in January 1961 at a continental conference that 
convened to plan and propose an African Charter. Abbas also signed an agreement 
with King Hassan II of Morocco in July 1961 to resolve enduring border disputes after 
Algeria received its independence. In August he was involuntarily replaced, however, 
by the more radical Ben Youssef Ben Khedda (q.v.), which signaled a crucial shift 
toward a more uncompromising FLN leadership. 

In fall 1962, Abbas returned to political prominence as president of the National 
Constituent Assembly. Abbas envisioned a pluralistic parliamentary government; 
however, his liberal democratic viewpoint appeared anachronistic to the revolutionary 
Nasserist younger elite (e.g., Premier Ahmed Ben Bella [q.v.]). Abbas resigned in 
August 1963 after a constitution was constructed that disregarded the Constitutent 
Assembly's deliberations. Furthermore, Abbas condemned Ben Bella's authoritarian 
accretion of power. Abbas was subsequently removed from the FLN, which 
represented a repudiation of a historic legacy that had aimed at liberal reform and 
close ties with France. He was arrested in 1964. 

Released after Houari Boumedienne (q.v.) overthrew Ben Bella's government in June 
1965, Abbas declined to serve the military government. Indeed, in March 1976 he 

Page 48 

rated with Ben Khedda, Hocine Lahouel (q.v.), and Mohamed Kheireddine (q.v.) and 
signed the "New Appeal to the Algerian People," (q.v.) a manifesto critical of 
Boumedienne's government. Abbas was placed under house arrest, and his pharmacy 
was expropriated. President Benjedid (q.v.) later released Abbas and returned his 

Ferhat Abbas's nationalist contribution was publicly recognized in the "enhanced" 
National Charter of 1986 (q.v.), which was published soon after his death. Abbas 
would have encouraged Algeria's recent steps toward political democracy since the 
October 1988 riots (q.v.). He would have opposed, however, the Islamist objectives 
embraced by the Front de Salut Islamique (FIS) (q.v.). 

Besides Le Jeune Algerien (1931), Abbas authored several other books. Guerre et 
Revolution d'Algerie: La Nuit coloniale (1962) and Autopsie dune guerre (1980) 
reflect on the struggle for independence. In LLndependance confisquee, 1962-1978 
(1984), Abbas disclosed his disillusionment with independent Algeria, but he also 
dedicated the work to the emerging new generation. In some ways, his appeal for the 
youth to restore the true meaning of the Revolution has been heard since the October 
1988 riots (q.v.). 


The successor to the Umayyad dynasty, it lasted from 750 to 1258. The dynasty was 
founded by Abbas, a descendant of the Prophet Muhammad's uncle. The Abbasid 
coalition, which overwhelmed the Umayyads in 750, was composed of Shi'i (q.v.), 
mawali (or non- Arab Muslims), and other dissidents. The capital was moved from 
Damascus to Baghdad. The Abbasids failed to keep the political integrity of the Umma 
(Muslim community, i.e., the Arab Empire) as independent amirates and dynasties 
arose such as the Aghlabids (q.v.), Fatimids (q.v.), and Idrisids in the Maghrib. 

Page 49 

ABD AL-MUMIN (Abd al-Mu'min ibn Ali) (10947-1 163). 

The first and greatest caliph of the Almohad (q.v.) dynasty. Abd al-Mumin was born 
in Tagra in southern Morocco to a son of a potter of the Kumiya tribe of the Zenata 
Berbers (q.v.). He distinguished himself in Islamic studies in his village, which led 
him to Tlemcen (q.v.) and then to Bejai'a (Bougie) (q.v.). He met Ibn Tumart (q.v.), the 
leader and eventually the Mahdi (guided one) of the Almohad movement. Ibn Tumart 
was deeply impressed with Abd al-Mumin and chose him to be his khalifa (deputy). 
After Ibn Tumart's death (c. 1130), Abd al-Mumin became the Caliph of Ibn Tumart 
and was known to his followers as the Amir al-Muminin (Prince/ Commander of the 

Abd al-Mumin organized an Almohad army that operated at first in the Atlas and 
eventually the Rif. His strength increased to the point where he confronted the 
Almoravid ruler, Tashfin ibn Ali, near Tlemcen in 1145 and defeated him and pushed 
the Almoravid (q.v.) forces into the coastal plain near Oran. After Tashfin's accidental 
death (horse fall), his son was invested as the Almoravid sovereign in Marrakesh. Abd 
al-Mumin took Fez and finally Marrakesh in 1146, which ended the Almoravid line. 
Morocco was secured by 1148. 

After an Almohad intervention in Spain that produced a protectorate in southwestern 
Andalusia, Abd al-Mumin campaigned again in the central Maghrib and took Bejai'a in 
1151 and, in the process, destroyed the Hammadid (q.v.) kingdom. In 1152, the 
Almohads destroyed the Banu Hilal (Arab Hilalians) (q.v.) at Setif (q.v.). In 1159-1160, 
Tunis, Sousse, and the Norman-controlled Mahdiya were taken. With the fall of 
Ifriqiya (eastern Maghrib), the entire Maghrib was under the unified control of a 
Maghribi state. Ironically, Abd al-Mumin forcibly moved nomadic Arab tribes into the 
western Maghrib where they would eventually destabilize the region. 

Page 50 

Abd al-Mumin was most concerned with the establishment of a political and military 
state. He commissioned a survey of his empire for administrative purposes and 
introduced fixed tax rates for tribes besides the kharaj. Non-Almohad Muslims could 
have their property expropriated, which could then become habus (habous).Chax:\QS- 
Andre Julien (q.v.) noted that a kind of "federative and aristocratic republic" 
envisioned by Ibn Tumart had become instead a monarchy. Abd al-Mumin did 
maintain the consultative Council of Fifty and the complementary assemblies 
established by the Mahdi, but they became an administrative facade as royal authority 
dominated the system. This was also illustrated by the distinguishing between the 
sayyid (descendants of Abd al-Mumin) and the shaykhs (shaikhs)(dQScendmts of 
great Almohad families). 

As other Maghribi leaders, Abd al-Mumin built impressive landmarks and particularly 
the city Ribat al-Fath (Rabat) in 1150. Before his death in 1163, the Caliph appeared 
prepared for a major campaign in Spain. 

Abd al-Mumin's empire was powerful and impressive. The memory of a united 
northwest Africa remained a historical inspiration for the recent steps toward Maghrib 
Unity (q.v.). 

ABD AL-QADIR AL-DJILANI (Abd al-Qadir al-Jilali) (d. 1166). 

Islamic brotherhood founder. Abd al-Qadir al-Djilani was the founder and patron 
saint of the Qadiriyya, an Islamic brotherhood with many Algerian followers, 
particularly in western Algeria. Two of the most famous Algerian Qadiri shaykhs were 
Muhyi al-Din ibn Mustafa and his son, the Amir Abd al-Qadir (q.v.). After the defeat 
of the Amir, Qadiri shaykhs resigned themselves to French rule. 

Like other brotherhoods, affiliates received the tariqa to enhance their spirituality. 
Though Abd al-Qadir al-Djilani was a principal of a Hanbali law madrasa and 
ribat, his ideas had wide application and interpretation. "Djilalism" is one 

Page 5 1 

form practiced in North Africa, which has pre-Islamic influences. The Qadiriyya 
particularly appealed to Muslim intellectuals. 

ABD AL-QADIR (Abd el-Kader) BEN MUHYI AL-DIN ALHASANI (May 26, 1807- 

Amir of Mascara; resistant of French military and colonial expansion. Abd al-Qadir 
founded and administered a veritable Arab-Berber theocracy in western Algeria 
during the 1830s and 1840s. He was born near Mascara to the Hashim tribe, which was 
headed by Abd al-Qadir's father, the shaykh Muhyi al-Din ibn Mustafa (1757-1833), 
who also was the muqaddam , or head, of the regional Qadiriyya (q.v.) order. Both the 
Qadiriyya and its rival the Tijaniyya (q.v.) were operating actively against the Turks. 

In 1826-1828 Abd al-Qadir and his father performed the hajj (pilgrimage) to Mecca, 
which also offered opportunities to study in Damascus, Baghdad, and at al-Azhar in 
Cairo. When the French began expanding westward along the Algerian littoral after 
seizing Algiers in 1830, the Hashim and other tribes (with support from Morocco's 
Sultanate) resisted the infidel invader. 

Muhyi al-Din initially led attacks against the French and their native allies in 1832 in 
the Oranais (region by Oran), but he knew he was too old to campaign effectively. 
Abd al-Qadir's religious reputation and redoubtable character made him not only a 
logical successor, but also enabled him to unite Arabs and Berbers in a jihad against 
the French. French expansion accelerated the disintegration of the isolated and 
decentralized Turkish administration, which expedited Abd al-Qadir's political 
consolidation of western Algeria. As he monitored French debate over the future of 
their conquest, Abd al-Qadir established himself at Mascara in the former residence of 
the Turkish beys. 

When the French Government decided to pursue a policy of "limited occupation" 
restricted to the littoral, it had to negotiate with Abd al-Qadir, which was tantamount 

Page 52 

recognizing his sovereignty. In a treaty with General Louis-Alexis Desmichels (q.v.) in 
February 1834, Abd al-Qadir permitted French occupation of western coastal cities 
(e.g., Oran [q.v.], Arzew, and Mostaganem). By the Arabic text, the Amir could 
appoint consuls to the French enclaves. Desmichels considered Abd al-Qadir an ally 
and supplied him with arms, which facilitated the Amir's victory over Mustafa ibn 
Ismail's forces in July 1834 and other rivals in the following months. 

Hostilities resumed between the French and Abd al-Qadir for several reasons. The 
French felt threatened by the Amir's territorial ambitions vis-a-vis Titteri (Tittari). 

They were also irritated by Abd al-Qadir's independent commercial activities, which 
shrewdly bypassed French middlemen and merchants in Oran. Finally, Governor 
Jean-Baptiste Drouet d'Erlon decided to undermine the Desmichels agreement. 

General Camille-Alphonse Trezel replaced Desmichels and organized tribal opposition 
to Abd al-Qadir. This resulted in a humiliating defeat for the French and their Muslim 
allies at Macta (q.v.) in June 1835. Marshal Bertrand Clauzel (q.v.) retaliated by 
capturing Mascara, but the Amir had withdrawn from it. 

Exploiting surprise, speed, mobility, and familiarity with the terrain, Abd al-Qadir 
continually harassed the French. Though General Thomas-Robert Bugeaud (q.v.) 
defeated the Amir at Sikkak in July 1836, the general French position remained 
adverse. Stout resistance to the French in eastern Algeria led by Ahmad (Ahmed) Bey 
(q.v.) centered at the fortress city of Constantine (q.v.) permitted Abd al-Qadir to 
obtain very favorable terms in May 1837 by the Treaty of Tafna (q.v.), which was 
negotiated with General Bugeaud. 

The treaty redefined the Amir's territorial boundaries (thereby reaffirming his 
sovereignty) and reasserted France's policy of limited occupation. It permitted Abd al- 
Qadir's theocratic state to encompass about two-thirds of (northern) Algeria while 
France preserved its coastal enclaves. Never- 

Page 53 

theless, the agreement was not realistic given its expedient negotiation and the 
conflicting ambitions of both sides. 

During this time Abd al-Qadir fashioned a viable theocracy. Its administration was 
hierarchical, but it respected tribal traditions. The Amir headed the state assisted by 
khalifas , who governed large districts while local rule was left to aghas . Tribes were 
supervised by the Amir's representatives, who assured loyalty and who managed 
military and economic activities. The Amirate monopolized trade, collected taxes, and 
struck coins. He also promoted education. By dispatching one of his khalifas to Paris 
(q.v. Miloud Ben Arrash), Abd al-Qadir cultivated an image of an able and energetic 
sovereign leader who exercised modern statecraft. 

The Amir consolidated his hold over the territory stipulated by the Treaty of Tafna. In 
Titteri, he attacked Ayn Madi, the center of the rival Tijaniyya brotherhood (its leaders 
had their own political ambitions and would eventually ally themselves with the 
French). The Amir never marshaled more than 10,000 regular troops. His command 
usually included mustered regional auxiliaries. As Abd al-Qadir secured his dominion, 
his influence spread to eastern Algeria. 

The difficult conquest of Constantine in October 1837 extended the French 
occupation of the hinterland. There is some controversy over the Amir's lack of 
assistance to Ahmad Bey. Abd al-Qadir had opposed the Turks and dismissed Ahmad 
Bey's political ambitions (i.e., a new Ottoman-Algerian regency). Nevertheless, the 
Bey of Constantine posed less of a threat than the expansion of French power in 
eastern Algeria. 

With eastern Algeria temporarily "pacified," Governor-General Sylvain-Charles Valee 
attempted to persuade Abd al-Qadir to revise the Treaty of Tafna. Despite arguments 
on both sides concerning the Treaty's semantics and border delineations, it was clear 
that the French had abandoned their policy of limited occupation and that Abd al- 
Qadir was prepared to resist their expansion and promote his own. When 

Page 54 

the French moved into disputed territory to secure communications with Constantine 
in November 1839, war broke out. Abd al-Qadir countered the French provocation by 
raiding the Mitijda region near Algiers. Valee was replaced with General (soon to be 
Marshal) Bugeaud, who also served as governor- general from February 1841 to 
September 1847. 

Bugeaud's objective was total conquest, which meant the end of the Amir's 
sovereignty. The campaign against Abd al-Qadir was ruthless and relentless. (It also 
influenced the development of an exceptionally severe colonial establishment in 
Algeria.) The French Army modified the tribal tactic of ghazya ( razzia [French 
transliteration]), or raids, in order to destroy all means of native livelihood. This 
resulted in large-scale, systematic destruction of villages, crops, livestock, and 
vegetation (especially forests). The devastated Muslim population became demoralized 
by this brutal offensive, which included atrocities such as the burning alive of 
surrendering Muslims trapped in caves. Abd al-Qadir faced an army many times the 
size of his own (about 108,000 French soldiers campaigning by 1847) and suffered the 
steady reduction of his dominion. 

In November 1843 the Amir withdrew to Morocco where he sought and received 
traditional neighborly support from the Sultanate. The French victory over the 
Moroccans at (Wadi) Isly in August 1844, however, led to the Treaty of Tangier 
(September 1844), which also called for the Sultanate's cooperation against Abd al- 
Qadir. A timely rebellion in the Dahra championed by a young marabout named Bu 
Maza (Muhammad bn Abdallah) (q.v.) enabled the irrepressible Amir to return to 
Algeria where he had some heartening, if minor, victories. Nevertheless, his 
vulnerable situation compelled his return to Morocco. He settled in the Rif where he 
appealed for and received tribal support. 

Abd al-Qadir's resentment of the Moroccan government's compliance with the French 
coupled with Sultan Abd al-Rahman's suspicions of the Amir's political designs bred 

Page 55 

more war. After scoring some successes, the Amir was decisively defeated by the 
Moroccans. He retreated to Algeria but soon confronted a French army under General 
Louis-Leon de Lamoriciere (La Morciere). Given his untenable position, the Amir 
surrendered in December 1847 to the Due d'Aumale, a son of King Louis-Philippe 
who was the new Governor-General. 

Public pressure prevented Abd al-Qadir's exile to Acre or Alexandria, which had been 
assured by dAumale. Instead, the Amir was incarcerated in France until Napoleon III 
permitted his permanent exile in 1852. After living in Bursa (Brusa), Turkey (until 
1855), he settled in Damascus. 

While in exile, the Amir wrote about politics and displayed a keen interest in science. 
In 1860 Abd al-Qadir saved 12,000 Christians and many others during rioting. 
Napoleon III (q.v.) was impressed by his virtuous nature and noble stature and 
accorded him the "Grand Cordon de la Legion d'Honneur." The Amir was brought to 
Paris and honored in 1865. He died in Damascus in 1883 as a respected foe of France. 

The influence of Abd al-Qadir continued to pervade Algeria after his deportation and 
death. Emir Khaled (Amir Khalid) (q.v.), his grandson, was a prominent leader of the 
incipient nationalist movement. During the War of Independence (1954-1962), the 
memory of Abd al-Qadir's resistance inspired the Armee de la Liberation Nationale 
(ALN) (q.v.). After independence was attained in 1962, a monument dedicated to the 
Amir replaced one to Bugeaud in downtown Algiers. In 1968, his remains were 
returned to rest in Algeria. In many respects, Abd al-Qadir incarnated the national 
ideals of modern Algeria. 


(see individual entries for significant monarchs). Established by Yaghmorasan ibn 
Ziyan (q.v.) as 

Page 56 

the Almohad (q.v.) empire disintegrated, this Zenata Berber (q.v.) dynasty produced 
27 rulers who governed the central Maghrib from their capital, Tlemcen (q.v.), a 
renowned cultural center. Geopolitically, the kingdom was situated between the 
Hafsids of Ifriqiya and the Marinids (Merinids) of Morocco (Fez). In addition, the 
dynasty often faced the hostility of rival Zenata tribes. The size of the Abd al-Wadid 
kingdom was determined by its own power and the ambitions and strength of its 
neighbors. Unlike other Maghribi kingdoms/states, the history of the dynasty has been 
well documented (q.v. Ibn Khaldun). 

Officer; prime minister. Abdelghani was born in Marnia. Attracted to Messali Hadj's 
(q.v.) movement, he joined the paramilitary OS (q.v.). During the War of 
Independence, he was involved in trying to move troops across Algeria's barricaded 
borders. He became an "external" in the FLN's intraelite rivalry. He was promoted to 
the rank of captain in the ALN (q.v.) and kept his commission after independence 
when it became the ANP (q.v.). Abdelghani assumed command of the First Military 
Region (Blida) in 1962, the Fourth Military Region (Ouargla) in 1965, and the Second 
Region (Oran) in 1967. 

As a Boumedienne loyalist (q.v.), he became a member of the Revolutionary Council 
(q.v.) in 1965. Boumedienne valued Abdelghani's talents and charged him with 
considerable responsibilities. He organized the symbolic deployment of Algerian 
troops to support Arab allies as a consequence of the October War (1973) and after the 
death of Ahmed Medeghri (q.v.) in late 1974, he became minister of the interior in 

In a collegial and politically significant move (to enlist the Boumedienne faction), 
President Chadli Benjedid (q.v.) selected Abdelghani to be his first government's 
prime minister in March 1979 who still maintained the interior 

Page 57 

portfolio (until 1980). Abdelghani remained prime minister until January 1984 when 
he was replaced by Abdelhamid Brahimi (q.v.). Abdelghani then became a minister of 
state to the presidency 

ABDELKADER, HADJ ALL (1883-1957). 

Political organizer in France. A Kabyle (q.v.), Hadj Ali Abdelkader was a naturalized 
Frenchman and a member of the French Communist Party. He was a founder of the 
Etoile Nord-Africaine (ENA) (q.v.), which was activated in March 1926. According to 
historian Charles-Robert Ageron (q.v. Bibliography), Abdelkader's precise role in the 
founding of this organization is not entirely clear given police, communist, and 
Messalist interpretations. He directed it until June 1926. The ENA was taken over by 
Messali Hadj (q.v.), but Abdelkader still played an important role in its direction until 
1928. Given his communist affiliation, Abdelkader envisioned the ENA as an 
international emigrant worker organization. Eventually, it became more of an Algerian 
nationalist organization. Invited by Messali to join the regenerated ENA, Abdelkader 
preferred serving the Ligue de defense des interets musulmans and eventually 
subscribed to the policies of Ferhat Abbas's (q.v.) UDMA (q.v.). 


Technocrat ("Father of Algerian Industry"); prime minister. Abdesselam was born in 
Am El Kebira to a landed property Kabyle (q.v.) family. Messalist (q.v. Messali Hadj) 
oriented, he was a medical student at the University of Grenoble and, according to 
Benjamin Stora (q.v. Bibliography), the "veritable founder" of the Union Generate 
des Etudiants Musulmans Algeriens (UGEMA) in 1953. During the War of 
Independence he politicized Algerian students in France and was an instructor in the 
FLN (q.v.) school at Oujda (Morocco). Abdesselam also served under the GPRA 
(q.v.) ministries of Social Affairs and Culture. He was an 

Page 58 

adviser in Ben Youssef Ben Khedda's (q.v.) cabinet in 1961 and headed the Bureau of 
Economic Affairs of the FLN in 1962. Under President Ahmed Ben Bella (q.v.), 
Abdesselam became director of the Algerian Office of Hydrocarbons in 1964. 
Furthermore, he organized and supervised the state hydrocarbon enterprise 
SONATRACH (q.v.) in 1963-1964. 

In 1965 Abdesselam became Minister of Industry and Energy and was given the 
responsibility of organizing a coherent and comprehensive development policy that 
would be characterized by "industrializing industries." This meant using Algeria's 
hydrocarbon wealth as an economic multiplier, or as he stated: "It is necessary to plant 
petroleum in order to harvest industry." Given the emphasis placed on state planning 
and the second sector by President Houari Boumedienne (q.v.), Abdesselam exercised 
enormous influence and power. His efforts were highlighted by the "pre-plan" or 
"three-year plan" and two four-year plans (1970-1977) (q.v. State Plans). In 1970- 
1971, as Algeria negotiated (by Foreign Minister Abdelaziz Bouteflika [q.v.]) with 
France concerning the latter's hydrocarbon concessions in the Sahara, Abdessalam 
gained a global reputation symbolizing Algeria's determination to control its own 
economic destiny. He earned the title of "father of Algerian industry." 

From 1977 to 1979 he served as Minister of Fight Industry, but was removed from 
office and eventually accused of "errors and negligence." There were other 
implications involved here. Abdessalam represented the Boumedienne (d. 1978) 
clique. Furthermore, the failure of the promising Algerian-American El Paso gas 
contract (q.v. Hydrocarbons) was associated with the former Minister of Industry and 
Energy. In December 1981 he was suspended from the Central Committee of the FEN 
and in 1983 he was charged with corruption. Nevertheless, Abdesselam returned to 
politics in November 1989 with his election to the enlarged Central Committee of the 
FEN. He resigned in July 1991 protesting the FFN's leadership and direction. Abdes- 

Page 59 

selam was also very critical of President Chadli Benjedid's (q.v.) drift from state 
socialism to economic liberalism, especially with regard to hydrocarbons. 

In July 1992, he was selected by the High Council of State (HCS) (q.v.) as prime 
minister, replacing his longtime colleague Sid Ahmed Ghozali (q.v.). Abdesselam has 
vigorously confronted Islamist opposition (at a cost of civil and constitutional 
liberties) in an attempt to restore order. He has methodically dismantled the FIS 
presence (e.g., FIS charities, business associations, etc.). Nevertheless, violence has 
continued. In October 1992 a "sabotage and terrorism" law was passed and in 
December a curfew was imposed. By the end of the tumultuous year, approximately 
300 security forces members had been killed. In addition, he has signaled his 
preference for state rather than private enterprises to pull Algeria out of its economic 
morass, which could complicate relations with the International Monetary Fund (IMF) 
and a number of financial as well as commercial partners. 

ABDUH, MUHAMMAD (1849-1905). 

Egyptian scholar, jurist, and reformer; "Father of Islamic Modernism." Muhammad 
Abduh believed that Islam was compatible to the modern world. He was heavily 
influenced by Jamal al-Din al-Afghani (q.v.). Like al-Afghani, Abduh perceived how 
the modern world had been deeply changed by European power and technology. He 
advocated modernization in Islamic law, administration, and education (with emphasis 
on the sciences) but not at the expense of fundamental Muslim beliefs, values, and 
cultures. He criticized both popular un-Islamic notions as well as the idea of taqlid 
(imitation), which stifled Muslim jurisprudence and scholasticism. This movement 
was called the Salafiyya (q.v.), which referred to the culture of Muslim ancestors of 
Muhammad's generation/Medinan Caliphate/the Umayyad and early Abbasid empires 
(according to various Salafi intellectuals). This movement aimed to restore and 
reinvigorate Islam. 

Page 60 

In the Algerian context, Abduh's program led his followers to reprove marabout 
brotherhoods for being dangerous local misinterpretations of Islam, and also the 
Young Algerians (q.v.) for not understanding that they need not become Frenchmen to 
be cultured men. Abduh visited Algiers in September 1903 and gave a series of talks. 
His writings had preceded him and he had a following among Algerian elites who 
were well-read in Arabic. Among his disciples were Abd al-Halim Ibn Smaya, a 
professor at the Madrasa in Algiers, Muhammad al-Sa'id al-Zawawi, a Kabyle, who 
published a short book in 1904 that clearly argued Abduh's precepts about maraboutic 
brotherhoods and zawiyas (meditation centers), and Ibn al-Mansur al Sanhagi, who 
founded an Arabic language reformist Muslim weekly, Du-l-Faqar , which was entirely 
devoted to the spread of Abduh's ideas. 

Eventually, Abd al-Hamid ibn Badis ( Shaykh Ben Badis) (q.v.) and the Association of 
Reformist Ulama (q.v.) embraced Abduh's ideas and work and created institutions 
that could convince his countrymen that they could choose to be Algerians, Arabs, 
and Muslims; they need not be assimilated into French culture. 

ABU HAMMU MUS A I (r. 1308-1318). 

Abd al-Wadid (q.v.) ruler. Abu Hammu repaired the previous devastation that had 
been wrought on Tlemcen (q.v.) during the siege by the Marinids (1299-1307). His 
reign was distinguished by restoring prosperity and regenerating Abd al-Wadid 
political power. He extended the dynasty's authority over the Tudjin and the Maghrawa 
tribes of the Chelifian plain. He was assassinated as a result of a palace plot that 
involved his son Abu Tashfin I (q.v.). 

ABU HAMMU MUS A II (1323/1324-1389). 

Abd al-Wadid (q.v.) ruler. Abu Hammu Musa II was born in Spain where his family 
had been exiled by Abu Tashfin I (q.v.). After the 

Page 61 

defeat of the Abd al-Wadids by the Marinids at the plain of Angad (1352), he fled to 
Tunis with his uncle, Abu Thabit. With the support of the governor of Tunis and some 
Ifriqiyan chiefs, Abu Hammu Musa marched on Tlemcen (q.v.), where he arrived at 
the time of the death of the Marinid prince. He entered the capital and was proclaimed 
ruler in 1359. Though forced to surrender Tlemcen three times to the Marinids 
(indicative of the transitory power struggles during this period among rival 
kingdoms), he returned in 1372. During his reign he also suppressed several revolts 
by his subjects. He wrote a treatise on political ethics in 1379, built a new school at 
Tlemcen, and installed there the renowned teacher Sherif Abu Abd Allah. 

ABU TASHFIN I (1293-1337; r. 13 1 8-1337). 

Abd al-Wadid (q.v.) ruler. He seized power following the assassination of his father, 
Abu Hammu Musa I (q.v.). Abu Tashfin began his reign by exiling all pretenders to 
the throne. His reign was greatly influenced by his Christian Catalonian adviser, Hilal. 
During the reign, he built the Madrasa Tashfmiy a . Its construction demonstrated the 
strong cultural orientation of the Abd al-Wadids. He aided Hafsid dissidents, hoping to 
exploit weakness in Ifriqiya for his own expansion. Nevertheless, Hafsid and Marinid 
collaboration led to a campaign in 1335 by the Marinids. For three years the Marinids 
besieged Tlemcen, where Abu Tashfin died defending his capital. 

ABU TASHFIN 11 (1351-1393). 

Abd al-Wadid (q.v.) ruler (1389-1393). Abu Tashfin II was raised in Fez during the 
exile of his grandfather and his father, Abu Hammu II. After Abu Hammu II returned 
to the throne at Tlemcen, Abu Tashfin treacherously plotted against his father. With 
the support of the Marinid army, Abu Hammu II was defeated and killed in 1389. Abu 
Tashfin II took over, but as an actual vassal of the Marinids. 

Page 62 

ABU YAZID (Makhlad ibn Kaydad) (880-8857-947). 

Ibadi (q.v. Ibadism) opponent of Fatimids (q.v.). Abu Yazid received a Kharijite (q.v. 
Kharijism) education and taught at Tahart. The Fatimids imprisoned him in Qayrawan 
in 937, but his followers freed him. Abu Yazid was admired for his humility (called 
"the man on the ass" for his usual mode of transportation) and austerity. He was lame 
and frail but remarkably articulate and energetic for his advanced age. He organized 
his rebellion in the Aures (q.v.) against the Fatimids in 943. It was fabulously 
successful as Qayrawan fell in 944 and Mahdiyya was besieged. Sanhaja raids, 
however, weakened Abu Yazid's army. The Fatimid Caliph Isma'il (al-Mansur [q.v.]) 
defeated Abu Yazid's forces at Susa and before Qayrawan. Abu Yazid was forced to 
flee and died shortly after being captured. 


Name of several Abd al-Wadid rulers. Abu Zaiyan I (r. 1304-1308) was proclaimed 
ruler during the siege of Tlemcen by the Marinid Abu Yakub (1299-1307). After Abu 
Yakub's assassination, Abu Zaiyan I negotiated with one of his successors, Abu 
Thabit, to raise the siege of Tlemcen and its surrounding territories (including the 
fortified camp of Mansura). Abu Zaiyan campaigned against eastern tribes who had 
supported the Marinids. Before he was able to complete the rebuilding of Tlemcen, he 
became ill and died. Abu Zaiyan II ruled in 1360 as a Marinid client and was driven 
out by Abu Hammu Musa II (q.v.). Abu Zaiyan II tried to take Tlemcen several times 
but failed. Abu Zaiyan III was installed in Tlemcen by the Marinids of Fez in 1393. 
Like other Abd al-Wadid rulers he supported letters and arts. He was driven from the 
throne by his brother and then assassinated in 1398. By the time Abu Zaiyan IV 
became ruler (1540), Algeria was being competed for between the Spanish and the 
Turks. The Spanish supported his brother. In 1543, the Spanish succeeded in taking 
Tlemcen after avenging an earlier loss and 

Page 63 

placed his brother on the throne. The populace overthrew him and Abu Zaiyan IV 
was restored. His actual service as a Turkish vassal ended the independent Abd al- 
Wadid state. He ruled until 1550. 

ACHOUR, MO U LOUD (b. 1944). 

Novelist. Achour's style has been compared to that of Mouloud Feraoun's (q.v.). His 
writings have especially described the difference in values between rural and urban 
Algeria. His works include Le Survivant et autres nouvelles (1971) and Heliotropes 

AL- AFGHANI, JAMAL AL-DIN (1838-1897). 

An activist born in Iran who popularized the Muslim modernist movement. Al- 
Afghani urged a strict adherence to fundamental Islamic beliefs, but found no 
contradiction in studying modern science and technology. He observed how the 
Islamic World had been colonized by countries with greater technological abilities. His 
position was reformist and also anti-colonial. Al- Afghani's greatest contribution is 
publicizing these ideas and influencing other Muslim intellectuals such as Muhammad 
Abduh (q.v.). He criticized taqlid (absolute imitation of tradition) and called for the 
reopening of ijtihad (interpretation of Islamic law). His ideas interpreted through 
Abduh would influence Algerian ulama (Muslim scholars) such as the Shaykh Abd 
al-Hamid Ben Badis (q.v.). 


Founded by Ibrahim ibn al-Aghlab, an Abbasid governor in Ifriqiya,hQ became an 
Amir in 800. Aghlabid power centered in Tunisia (Qayrawan) and eventually spread 
westward reaching Annaba but bordering Lesser Kabylia (q.v.) and the Aures (q.v.). 
The Aghlabids also conquered Sicily and campaigned in Italy, forcing the Pope to flee 
Rome. In 876, a new capital was established at Raqqada. The Aghlabids' colorful 
courtlife promoted cultural activities. The Fatimids (q.v.) ended the dynasty in 909. 

Page 64 


An agricultural initiative in the 1970s. The Charter of the Agrarian Revolution was 
proclaimed in November 1971 and aimed at extending socialism in the first sector 
through a series of phases. The Agrarian Revolution was highlighted by projecting the 
construction of 1,000 "socialist villages" and the reclamation and redistribution of 
land. It complemented the revolutionary discourse of the Houari Boumedienne (q.v.) 
presidency (e.g., Industrial and Cultural Revolutions [q.v.]). Nevertheless, the private 
sector was maintained, though absentee landlordship was addressed and for the most 
part eliminated. Unlike the autogestion (q.v.) phenomenon in 1962, the Agrarian 
Revolution was a systematic plan for the fellahin (farmers) (though participating 
farmers in both operations complained of bureaucratic interference). The government 
nationalized 1.5 million hectares and reallocated another 1.3 million (though many 
landowners privately "reallocated" among family members). In general, resistance by 
the dominant private landowners effectively reduced the reforming impetus. 
Furthermore, the socialist sector's production and profits remained unimpressive. 
President Benjedid's (q.v.) liberalization policies in the agricultural sector, including 
returning nationalized land to the private sector, were in part a response to the failure 
of the Agrarian Revolution. 


Algeria's coastal plain is very fertile and since antiquity was viewed as a food- 
producing area. The Romans called the area a "granary." In spite of recurrent 
conquests, even that of the destructive Banu Hilal (q.v.), the area remained productive. 
Indeed, one of the causes of the French invasion of 1830 was over a grain debt owed 
to an Algerian exporting firm. 

French colonialism changed the first sector dramatically. Given the need to 
complement or integrate the colonial economy with that of the metropolitan power, 
the land was used for viticulture rather than traditional grain production. 

Page 65 

Algerian wines were stronger than domestic French production and were attractive 
particularly to strengthen metropolitan volumes. 

The result of this change was disastrous for the colonized since their lands were 
expropriated by settlers and the subsequent wine production was incompatible with 
their Islamic culture, which prohibited its consumption. The colonized often suffered 
from food shortages and occasionally famine. During the War of Independence, 
agrarian reform was a plank of the Soummam Conference's (q.v.) platform. The Evian 
Accords (q.v.) also recognized the need for change in the sector. 

After independence was attained this sector was initially favored, given the 
autogestion (q.v.) phenomenon. The creation of spontaneous self-management 
committees was heralded as a unique Algerian type of socialism. The March and 
October 1963 Decrees nationalized former settler properties. The sector was 
subordinated to the second sector during the Boumedienne planning era until the 
Agrarian Revolution (q.v.) of the 1970s, which attempted to institute a socialist system 
for the sector. In spite of these efforts, the sector's production remained unsatisfactory. 
Under Benjedid (q.v.), agrarian socialism was replaced by initiatives promoting private 
enterprise in the sector. The government declared its intent to return 450,000 hectares 
to the private sector. This was a symbolic repudiation of the Agrarian Revolution. The 
five-year plans (q.v. State Plans) devoted more attention to the first sector. In 1982 an 
Agricultural and Rural Development Bank was inaugurated, and by the end of the 
decade, the grand socialist edifice was being reorganized ( exploitations agricoles 
collectives)ov being replaced ( exploitations agricoles individuelles). 

Algeria's agricultural production features (as it has for centuries) cereals such as wheat 
and barley, citrus fruits, olives, dates (one of the world's largest exporters), market 
vegetables (carrots, artichokes, tomatoes, potatoes), indus- 

Page 66 

trial produce (sugar beets, tobacco, cotton, tomatoes), dry legumes (chickpeas, lentils, 
broad beans), and grapes. Viticulture areas have been decreased significantly as well 
as production (1.5 his in 1988 from 3.8 million his in 1978). Citrus fruit production 
reached 277,000 tons in 1987, which was almost matched by Saharan dates (224,000). 
Olive oil volumes average 150,000 his annually. The Chelif River features rice 

In general, this sector has been plagued less by nature than by mismanagement (e.g., 
bureaucratization) and by failure to modernize it efficiently. It has been estimated that 
about one-third of Algeria's revenues are devoted to food importation. In the early 
1980s, approximately two-thirds of its cereals and three-quarters of its eggs were 
imported. There has been encouraging improvements (e.g., self-sufficiency in egg 
production). Nevertheless, Algeria still must import about one-half of its alimentary 


Bey of Constantine Province (1826-1837). His father was an Ottoman and his mother 
was from the prominent Ben Ghana tribe; Ahmad was a kouloughlu.Us performed the 
Hajj and spent time in Egypt where he observed the modernizing initiatives of 
Muhammad Ali. Returning to Constantine, he served as khalifa (deputy) of the Bey 
from 1817 to 1818. Ahmad, now the Bey of Constantine, took part in the defense of 
Algiers (q.v.) in 1830. After the Dey's defeat, Ahmad viewed himself as the logical 
successor of the Regency (q.v.) and kept in communication with the Porte 
(Constantinople). During this time, he reformed the Beyliks government, permitting 
greater participation by Arabs. He successfully withstood French efforts to occupy 
Constantine in 1836. Ahmad's hopes of assistance from Abd al-Qadir (q.v.) were 
frustrated by the Amir's reluctance to assist Turks. The following year he was 
overpowered by the French and fled to the south from which he conducted periodic 
raids on the 

Page 67 

French. He surrendered in 1848 and died in Algiers two years later. His resistance to 
the French was championed by Algerian nationalists and revolutionaries. 

AISSAT, IDIR (1919-1959). 

Nationalist; union organizer. Idir Ai'ssat's political career began at first in the PPA 
(q.v.), then in the MTLD (q.v.), and in the CGT. He was the founder of the UGTA 
(q.v.) and, by February 1956, its secretary-general. Arrested by French authorities in 
May 1956, he was apparently tortured and moved from prison to prison until he died 
in July 1959. French authorities announced that he had committed suicide, but no 
investigation into the exact cause of his death was ever permitted. 

AIT AHMED, HOCINE (b. 1926). 

Kabyle (q.v.) leader; "historic chief' (q.v.). Hocine Ait Ahmed was born to a well-to- 
do Kabyle family, his father having served the French colonial regime as a 
c< 2 /V/.Nevertheless, Ait Ahmed joined the PPA (q.v.) when he was still in secondary 
school and later was a member of the MTLD (q.v.). In 1947, he helped create and 
became the first director of a secret paramilitary organization, the OS (q.v.). In 1950, 
he was replaced at the head of the OS by Ahmed Ben Bella (q.v.), ostensibly because 
Ait Ahmed had proved himself to be too much of a Berberist (q.v.). He left Algeria in 
1951 after French courts had condemned him in absentia for various crimes against 
the state. He took refuge in Cairo, traveling widely as a spokesman for the MTLD. 

A "historic chief' of the revolution as one of the first partisans of armed insurrection 
against the French colonial regime, he continued to travel widely to defend FLN (q.v.) 
positions as a member of the party's external delegation (e.g., his attendance at the 
Bandung Conference of 1955). The Soummam Congress of August 20, 1956, elected 
him to the CNRA. Captured by the French authorities in the skyjacking of October 22, 
1956, he spent the rest of the war in prison. 

Page 68 

After independence, Ait Ahmed opposed the Ben Bella group, which, with the 
backing of the general staff of the ALN, seized power in Algiers. He refused 
membership in the Political Bureau of the FLN, but was elected a deputy in the first 
National Assembly of independent Algeria. In 1962 he helped draw up the Tripoli 
Program (q.v.) (1962) and the autogestion (q.v.) decrees. Still critical of Ben Bella, he 
organized the Front des Forces Socialistes (FFS) and instigated an insurgency in 
October and November 1963 from bases in Kabylia (q.v.). Captured by the 
government after his military ally Colonel Mohand Ou el Hadj (q.v.) made peace with 
Ben Bella (q.v. Border War with Morocco), Ait Ahmed was condemned to death. He 
made his peace with Ben Bella shortly before the latter was overthown by 
Boumedienne in June 1965. Kept in detainment by the Boumedienne regime, Ait 
Ahmed escaped from El Harrach in 1966 and began a life in exile in France and 

He reconciled with the recently released Ben Bella, and in December 1984 jointly 
called for elections for constitutional reforms (specifically, a constituent assembly) and 
for political rights in Algeria. After the October 1988 riots (q .v.), Ait Hocine returned 
from exile on December 15, 1989. The FFS was also legalized as an opposition party. 
In 1990, Ait Ahmed's restoration as a legitimate political leader was symbolized by a 
meeting with President Chadli Benjedid (q.v.). Ait Ahmed's boycott of the elections of 
June 1990 (q.v.) was seen by many analysts as a political blunder because it enhanced 
the Islamist FIS (q.v.) success. 

Ait Ahmed and the Kabyles were particularly upset with the December 1990 
legislation (q.v. Arabization) concerning the use of Arabic because it threatened 
Berber culture. In addition, many of the Kabyles are Francophone. He campaigned 
actively during the 1991-1992 parliamentary elections, though the FFS like other 
parties was overwhelmed by the first round success of the FIS (q.v. Elections of 

Page 69 

1991). Ait Ahmed supported the democratic process in spite of his reservations 
concerning the possibility of an Islamist government. He led a huge rally in January 
1992 in support of democracy, which was an implicit appeal to vote in the second 
round against the FIS. He criticized the suspension and cancellation of elections after 
the High Council of State (q.v.) deposed President Benjedid. Despite the gradual loss 
of civil and constitutional rights in contemporary Algeria, the FFS has kept its legal 
status. Ai't Ahmed can still be regarded to be in opposition and continues to be a chief 
guardian of Kabyle rights. An excellent theoretician, Ai't Ahmed authored La Guerre 
et Vapres-guerre (1964) and Memoires dun Combattant (1983). 


He was named to the FLN's (q.v.) Central Committee in April 1964 and presided over 
the Amicale in Paris (q.v. Emigrant Labor). After the Houari Boumedienne (q.v.) 
seizure of power, Ai't al-Hocine along with Mohammed Lebjaoui (q.v.) founded the 
anti-Boumedienne Organisation Clandestine de la Revolution Algerienne (OCRA) 


Sufi. Al-Alawi was a cobbler who became a follower of Muhammad al-Buzidi, who 
made him a muqaddam in 1894. He succeeded al-Buzidi as shaykh in 1909 and 
declared the independence of his zawiya from the mother zawiya in Morocco (1914) 
based on his practice of the khalwa (spiritual retreat). Because of his preeminent 
position in sufism, he became literary target of reformist Salafiyya (q.v.) groups. He 
began printing a weekly newspaper in Algiers to defend his conservative views, Al- 
Balagh al-Djazai'iri.He opposed wearing of Western dress and other tendencies 
toward westernization, which brought him into disharmony with French authorities. 
He also published many works in Arabic on Sufism. 

Page 70 

ALGERIAN COMMUNIST PARTY {Parti Communiste Algerien){?CA). 

The PCA was organized after World War I. (There is some historiographical 
contention concerning when it was officially organized [c. 1920; according to others, 
certainly by 1933; recognized by Comintern in 1935; First Congress in Algiers in July 
1936). Its history before the revolution often disclosed a lack of political sensibility 
concerning the aspirations of the colonized. Undoubtedly this was because of its pied- 
noir (q.v.) majority in the PCA's overall membership (approximately 12,000 to 15,000, 
including Albert Camus [q.v.]). For example, it supported both the Blum-Viollette law 
(q.v.) and the repression at Setif (q.v.) in 1945. 

Nevertheless, many Muslims were attracted to the PCA (e.g., Ahmed Akkache, Ben 
Ali Boukourt, Amar Ouzegane [q.v.], Sadek Hadjeres [q.v], Bachir Hadj Ali [q.v], and 
Larbi Bouhali [q.v.]). During Vichy (q.v.) rule, PCA member Kaddour Belkaim was 
arrested and died in prison as a political martyr.). When the War of Independence 
began, the PCA found itself torn. In general, its Muslim membership wanted to join 
the nationalists unlike most of the Europeans. The PCA's ambiguity was mirrored by 
the French Communist Party's (PCF) evasive and equivocal positions. In July 1955 
the PCA's Central Committee voted to join the revolution but kept its independent 
internal administration. PCA members distinguished themselves during the war. Henri 
Maillot secured arms for the nationalists and was killed while serving the maquis 
rouge.HQmi Alleg (q.v. Bibliography), the editor of Alger Repub l ica in, was arrested 
and tortured. His book entitled The Question publicized the inhumanity of the war 
before the world. While the PCA's collaboration with the FLN was often heroic, there 
were accusations that the communists were discriminated against during operations 
and even purposely placed in more dangerous situations. 

Page 7 1 

The PCA refused to take sides during the postwar struggle between the GPRA (q.v.) 
and the Political Bureau (q.v.). In 1962 its newspaper, al-Hurriya, however, and the 
PCA itself, were suppressed. In 1964 Alger Repub licain was taken over by the FLN. 
Communists still played an important role initially in the Ben Bella government in 
publications such as Revolution africaine.ThQ Parti de V Avant-Garde Socialiste 
(PAGS) (q.v.) has carried on the legacy of the PCA. 


A short-lived organization aspiring to unify nationalists. The Congress was inspired by 
Dr. Mohammed Saleh Bendjelloul (q.v.) as a means to mobilize Muslim support for 
the Blum-Viollette legislation (q.v.). For a brief period it united the most significant 
Algerian leaders and nationalists (i.e., Ferhat Abbas [q.v.]; Messali Hadj [q.v.]; and 
Shaykh Abd al-Hamid Ben Badis [q.v.]) and the Algerian Communist Party. It 
convened on June 7, 1936. The Congress produced a Charter ( Charte revendicative 
du peuple algerien musulman)t\\at called for full equality, assimilation, and complete 
integration with France. The Ulama advocated the use of Arabic besides French as an 
official rather than "foreign" language. Messali refused to support this document. 

The Charter was presented in Paris to the Blum government. A second Congress 
gathered on July 11, 1937 (without Messali) and threatened the resignation of Muslim 
elected officials if the Blum-Viollette legislation failed. By the end of the year, 3,000 
resigned temporarily. The legislation was ultimately rejected in 1938. 

The failure of the Blum-Viollette Bill ended the Congress and resulted in a split among 
the moderates as Abbas, in particular, questioned if assimilation and integration were 
actually possible. It reaffirmed to other members of the elite that independence was 
the only recourse. Muslim unity would not be attained again until the organization of 
AML (q.v.). 

Page 72 


Vast region south of the Saharan Atlas with an area of more than 804,000 square 
miles. The most significant physical characteristic is the lack of rainfall, generally less 
than four inches per year; usually the relative humidity is in the range of 4 to 5 
percent. Topographically the area consists mostly of plains and plateaus with scattered 
mountains including the surreal Hoggar (Ahaggar) range. The surface consists of sand 
dunes (ergs), plains of stones (regs), tables of denuded rocks (hammadas), and basins. 
Due to the scarcity of arable land, there is severe overpopulation in the oases. Land- 
use patterns vary greatly from nomadic grazing to intensive irrigation farming. The 
most extensive developments in this region (eastern Algeria) have been a result of the 
growth of the petroleum and natural gas industries, which have been sources of 
economic development in the region (q.v. Introduction; Hydrocarbons). Its inhabitants 
include the Tuareg (q.v.) and the Haratin (q.v.). 


Capital of Algeria. The site was named Ikosin (Ikosim) by the Phoenicians and then 
Icosium by the Romans. The name has legendary significance as the settlement of 
"twenty" ( eikosi in Greek) companions of Hercules. Icosium was a rather insignificant 
site as Cherchell, or Caesarea, was Rome's administrative center. Icosium became a 
Latin colony during the reign of the Emperor Vespasian (69-79) and was taken over in 
371-372 by Firmus, a Berber prince. Eventually the city returned to Roman rule and 
became the seat of a Bishopric. A series of conquests (Vandal, Byzantine, and Arab) 
left the city destroyed and deserted until the middle of the tenth century. 

The generally recognized founder of a regenerated Algiers was Bulukkin (q.v.), a Zirid 
(q.v.) amir, who named it al-Jaza'ir (islands) for its islets in the harbor. The city was 
controlled by a variety of rulers who swept in and out of the central Maghrib's littoral 
between the eleventh and sixteenth centuries, such as the Hammadids (q.v.), the 

Page 73 

(q.v.), Almohads (q.v.), the Hafsids, Abd al-Wadids (q .v.), the Marinids, the Spanish, 
and the Turks. 

Between conquests, Algiers was a city-state under the leadership of native citizenry 
(Baldis ). The scholarly and saintly Sidi Abd al-Rahman al Tha'alibi (q.v.) distinguished 
the town during the fifteenth century. The arrival of the Spanish in the early sixteenth 
century followed the influx of fugitive Moors and Jews from Spain. Pedro Navarro 
(q.v.) took possession of the islet Penon (q.v.) in the harbor in 1511. Aruj (q.v.), the 
corsair leader, removed the Spanish supporters from the city and laid the foundation 
for the Regency (q.v.). His brother Khayr al-Din (Khair) (q.v.) destroyed Penon in 
1529. In 1541 Charles V (q.v.) attacked Algiers, but he was repelled by the besieged 
and by the weather. 

Besides building highly effective maritime fortifications and landward fortresses, the 
Turkish rulers ( Beylerbeys , Pashas , Aghas , and Deys ) built a striking city. The Turks, 
who called themselves "Algerians" (q.v. Regency), were highly influenced by Asia 
Minor architecture, which resulted in the commissioning of impressive mosques and 
monuments. Construction of the Casbah (q.v.) began in earnest in the sixteenth 
century. Eventually the Dey's palace was situated there. Algiers numbered about 
60,000 inhabitants in 1580. The population rose to 100,000 in the seventeenth century 
and "accommodated" also about 30,000 captives. Epidemics, famines, and the general 
decline of piracy reduced the population of this once bustling cosmopolitan entrepot 
to about 30,000 at the time of the French conquest. 

While piracy is usually associated with the Regency, Algerines had engaged in it 
before the Turkish establishment. The city withstood many bombardments (e.g., the 
English [1622, 1655, 1672, 1816], the Danes [1770], the French [1661, 1665,1682, and 
1683], and the Spanish [1783; after an unsuccessful land attack in 1775]. Using a plan 
developed by Napoleon's staff, the French finally seized Algiers in 1830. 

Page 74 

Algiers received an excellent infrastructure as a result of colonialism. This included 
the striking facade along the port and many new buildings. In 1954 the city's 
population was nearly 600,000 with about one-half of its citizens being European. 
During the War of Independence, it was the site of dramatic events. The "Battle of 
Algiers" (q.v.) was an intense urban guerrilla warfare campaign launched by the ALN 
in 1956-1957 that amplified the war internationally. The successful colonialist 
insurrection of 1958 occurred there, which toppled the Fourth Republic. In January 
1960, Europeans barricaded themselves in Algiers to protest de Gaulle's policies. 
Decolonization led to the April 1961 "putsch" by four French generals who rebelled 
from Algiers. During the last days of French Algeria, Algiers suffered from terrorism 
on all sides. About 300,000 Europeans fled Algiers leaving their properties. 

There are more than 2 million people now living in Algiers (1,483,000 in 1987 
census), though all statistics are inaccurate given the increasing congestion caused by 
urban migration. Because state plans (q.v.) allocated most funding toward the second 
sector, services received scant relative attention until the 1980s. A metro may be 
operating by the end of the century. Algiers is, however, in a state of chronic crisis. 
The water quality is poor and its flow is often intermittent. This caused public protest 
in the Casbah and private complaint elsewhere. In 1985, a building collapsed there 
and provoked rioting over the lack of attention to urban affairs. A small earthquake 
west of Algiers in 1989 caused another Casbah building to crumble and provoked 
more protests. (The Casbah's 1,700 buildings, most of which are hundreds of years 
old, hold about 70,000 people). In general, there is an immediate need for thousands 
of housing units. Even in this state of disrepair, Algiers remains a resplendent city still 
deserving the colonial title of "Alger la blanche" (Algiers the White). 

Page 75 

As Algeria's capital, it was the epicenter of the October 1988 riots (q.v.) and the 
violent protests associated with the elections of June 1991 (q.v.). Algiers has become 
the site of escalating violence between the forces of order and Islamist sympathizers, 
especially since the cancellation of national elections by the High Council of State 
(HCS) after it deposed President Benjedid (q.v.) and derailed the democratic process 
in January 1992. In December 1992 a curfew was imposed in the city and surrounding 
areas. The security measures and tactics have evoked haunting memories of the "Battle 
of Algiers." 

ALGIERS ACCORD (July 29, 1965) (q.v. Hydrocarbons). 

ALGIERS AGREEMENT (August 5, 1979). 

An agreement between the POLISARIO (q.v.), supported by Algeria, and Mauritania 
that ended Mauritania's direct involvement in the Western Saharan war. (Mauritania 
had participated with Morocco [q.v.] in the Madrid Accords [q.v.], which partitioned 
the ex-Spanish Sahara between both countries.) The agreement stated notably that "the 
Islamic Republic of Mauritania solemnly declares that it does not have and will not 
have territorial or any other claims over Western Sahara" and that "the Islamic 
Republic of Mauritania decides to withdraw from the unjust war in Western Sahara." 
This amounted to the renunciation by Mauritania of its claim to Tiris el-Gharbia 
(southern of the ex-Spanish Sahara). 

ALGIERS CHARTER (q.v. Charter of Algiers). 

ALLIED INVASION OF ALGERIA (November 8, 1942 "Operation Torch" of World 
War II). 

Based upon the faulty assumption that the Vichy (q.v.) French in North Africa would 
not resist, a force of 107,000 American and British 

Page 76 

troops, commanded by General Dwight D. Eisenhower, invaded Oran in western 
Algeria and Algiers. A third allied force invaded Morocco. Algiers capitulated first that 
evening when French General Alphonse Juin surrendered to a joint U.S. -British force 
of 32,000 commanded by General Charles Ryder. Troops moved on to occupy Bejaia 
(Bougie) on November 1 1, and Annaba (Bone) the following day before crossing into 
Tunisia on November 15. French forces at Oran, however, resisted for two days, 
before surrendering to General Floyd Fredendall's 31,000-man force. 


Powerful Zenata Berber (q.v.) state (1147-1269). The founder of the Almohad 
movement and the Islamic doctrine that motivated them was Muhammad ibn Tumart 
(q.v.), who took the title of Mahdi . Ibn Tumart emphasized the basic belief in the unity 
of God. The dynasty was founded by Abd al-Mumin (q.v.), who conquered Morocco 
(q.v.) in 1147 from the Almoravids (q.v.) and took the title of Caliph. Abd al-Mumin 
extended Almohad power as far as If riqiy a, thus unifying the Maghrib. He also carved 
out a protectorate in Spain. Under Yaqub al-Mansur (r. 1184-1199), the Almohad 
empire enjoyed its highest point. Al-Mansur's brilliant court also featured the presence 
of Ibn Rushd, the brilliant Andalusian scholastic and jurist. 

In 1236, the Almohad state broke up as the Hafsids took over control in Ifriqiya and 
the Bani Abd al-Wad (q.v. Abd al-Wadids) established themselves in Tlemcen. In 
1248, the Bani Marin (Marinids) secured their power in Fez. Almohads also lost 
territory in Spain to the Nasrid princes of Granada. The legacy of the Almohad 
unification of Northwest Africa provided an inspiring legacy for modern initiatives of 
Maghrib Unity (q.v.). 


Sanhaja (q.v.) Berber (q.v.) state of the eleventh and twelfth 

Page 77 

centuries. This state was organized by a powerful Sanhaja tribe known as the 
Lemtouna located in the Adrar in Mauritania. The origin of the Almoravid movement 
began when Yahya ibn Ibrahim al-Gadali led a group from the tribe in the hajj 
(pilgrimage to Mecca). During their return they stopped at Qayrawan (Tunisia) and 
met a famous Moroccan Maliki (q.v.) scholar named Abu Imran al-Fasi. The 
Lemtouna requested a name of a scholar who could instruct the Qur'an to the Sanhaja. 
Eventually, they were introduced to Abd Allah ibn Yasin, who decided to return with 
the pilgrims. The Lemtouna soon became strict adherents to Malikism. 

Ibn Yasin organized a military ribat (monastic fortress), which trained and disciplined 
the initiates. (. Murabitun means men of the rib at). The Almoravids attacked south 
ending the fabulous Soninke Kingdom of Ghana with the capture of Awdaghost 
(Awdaghust, Aoudaghost). Turning north, Sijilmasa was laid siege to and taken in 
1055-1056. Ibn Yasin acted as spiritual chief while a Lemtouna, Yahya ibn Umar, 
commanded the military forces. In 1056 Yahya's brother, Abu Baler ibn Umar, 
succeeded his brother and continued the conquests. 

The Almoravids expanded under one of Umar's commanders, Yusuf ibn Tashfin 
(q.v.), who built Marrakesh (c. 1060) and extended Almoravid power. Fez was taken 
in 1069, and Algiers was reached in 1082 after taking Tlemcen, Oran, and Tenes. The 
Almoravids also established themselves in Spain after a great victory against 
Alphonso VI in 1086. After Abu Bakr's death, Ibn Tashfin became the head of the 

The Almoravid was at its zenith during Ibn Tashfin's reign (d. 1106). As a 
consequence of the Almoravids' success in Spain, the Maghrib received a cultural 
infusion from Andalusia. Malikism (q.v.) also secured itself in northwest Africa. To 
many Muslims, Malikism's legalism lacked spiritual satisfaction, which contributed to 
the appeal of the 

Page 78 

Almohad (q.v.) movement. Furthermore, Spanish Christian assaults constantly 
pressured the Almoravids. Almohad power finally overwhelmed the Almoravids as 
Marrakesh was taken in 1147. 

AMIROUCHE (Ait Hamouda) (1926-1959). 

Kabyle (q.v.) ALN (q.v.) wilaya commander. Before the War of Independence, he was 
influenced by the Ulama movement (q.v. Association of Reformist Ulama) and the 
MTLD (q.v.). He was arrested in 1950 during the OS (q.v.) repression. He was 
released in 1952 and lived in Paris politicizing the emigrant community (q.v. Emigrant 

It was during the War of Independence where this young Kabyle earned his infamous 
reputation. Ait Hamouda, whose nom de guerre was "Amirouche," organized his own 
guerrilla group in eastern Kabylia (q.v.). Eventually he commanded Wilaya III with 
approximately 800 troops. 

Amirouche controlled his sector through sheer terror and brutality. He assaulted any 
Algerian nationalist competition to his position such as Bellounis (q.v.)/ MNA. (q.v.) 
(e.g., the Battle of Guenzet in 1955). It was Amirouche who guaranteed security for 
the Soummam Conference (q.v.) in August 1956. 

French intelligence manipulated his violent nature by infiltrating the FLN and by 
falsely implicating effective nationalist cadres. This incited Amirouche's fierce 
character as he conducted purges that eliminated many innocent people. Eventually a 
French airmobile operation cornered and killed Amirouche during a firefight in March 


Apolitical organization formed by Ferhat Abbas (q.v.) in March 1944. Abbas aimed to 
make this an umbrella nationalist party. Besides his own liberal nationalist faction, the 
Association of Reformist Ulama (q.v.) and the more radical PPA (q.v.) supported this 
initiative. The AML 

Page 79 

membership was estimated at 350,000. In a gesture of elite unity, Abbas proclaimed 
his nationalist rival, Messali Hadj (q.v.), as the leader of the movement. 

The AML criticized de Gaulle's wartime reforms (e.g., Ordinance of March 7, 1944 
[q.v.]) because they did not provide Algerians with enough freedom. The AML was 
dissolved in 1945 as part of the French reaction to the Setif Riots (q.v.). Even before 
dissolution, this organization had not managed to coordinate and control the various 
factions that supposedly supported it. Indeed, the Messalists instilled an 
insurrectionary influence before Setif. The AML did enjoy a wider support than any 
other party before the FLN. 

AMROUCHE, JEAN (El Mouhoub) (1906-1962). Francophone poet and essayist. Jean 
Amrouche may represent better than anyone else the plight of North Africans caught 
between two civilizations, that of their African ancestors and that of the colonizing 
French. Amrouche's parents were Kabyles (q.v.) who had converted to Christianity. 
The quality of Jean Amrouche's literary production clearly demonstrates how well he 
assimilated French culture. Throughout his life, he tried to describe Algeria and its 
soul to the rest of the world. 

Amrouche also lived and taught in Tunis (Albert Memmi was one of his students). He 
was a friend of Charles de Gaulle (q.v.) and acted as an intermediary between Ferhat 
Abbas (q.v.) and the General. Though he was not a member of the FLN (q.v.), he was 
very critical of French repression. 

Among his most renowned publications were Cendres in 1934 and Etoile secrete in 
1937. In 1939 he published a translation of Kabyle songs, which appeared as Chants 
berberes de Kabylie . In 1943 he published the brilliant essay that he entitled LEternel 
Jugurtha , which may well be the best attempt to explain the Algerian soul. Henri Krea 
(q.v.) stated that Amrouche was the "intellectual reincarnation of Jugurtha." Amrouche 
highly influenced the "generation of 1954" (q.v.), i.e., Algerian authors who wrote 
about the 

Page 80 

independence struggle. Amrouche's life was epitomized by his statement: "France is 
the spirit of my soul[;] Algeria is the soul of my spirit." 

ANAS, MALIK IBN (d. 795). 

Founder of Maliki school. This Meccan imam was hostile to rational interpretation 
(e.g., Mu'tazilism and ' aql [reason]) as a fundamental source of religious knowledge. 
Instead, the consensus of the Medinan community was upheld in contrast to general 
consensus, private opinion, and analogy. Malikism (q.v.) was entrenched in North 
Africa as a result of the Almoravids (q.v.). Its legalism, however, contributed to the 
rise of the Almohads (q.v.) and more emotional forms of Islam associated with 

ANNABA (Bone). 

A major port city in eastern Algeria. Originally a Phoenician settlement known as 
Hippona, it was successively occupied by the Carthaginians, the Numidians, and the 
Romans, who renamed it Hippo Regius. Augustine (q.v.) served there as Christian 
bishop from 395 to 430. Taken by the Vandals in 430, it was recaptured by the 
Byzantines. The Arabs occupied toward the end of the seventh century. As a pirate 
port, it was attacked by the Pisans and Genoese in 1034. King Roger II of Sicily 
captured it in 1153 and established the Hammadids (q.v.) there. The Almohads (q.v.) 
took the city in 1160. The Hafsids annexed it to their realm during the thirteenth 
century. At its request, the city was taken over by Khayr al-Din (q.v.), who established 
a Turkish garrison that remained there until 1830. Bone became an important center of 
settler colonialism especially under Mayor Joseph Bertagna. It was bombarded by the 
German Navy in August 1914. Its population in 1983 was 348,322. 

Annaba is also an industrial site. It is the location of the huge El-Hadjar steel plant. It 
also exports iron and phosphates. 

Page 8 1 


This longtime dream of Maghribi peoples was established in a multilateral accord in 
February 1989 calling for cooperation and collaboration concerning defense, 
economic, cultural, and international affairs among Algeria, Libya, Mauritania, 
Morocco, and Tunisia. The AMU has a Consultative Council composed of 50 
members (10 per country) and a Presidential Council composed of the heads of state. 


This was the objective of the Cultural Revolution (q.v.) and remains a vitally 
important project of contemporary Algeria as seen in the Arabization Law of 
December 1990. By a 1938 law, the colonial administration viewed Arabic as a foreign 
language. In 1961 this law was abrogated as Arabic became mandatory in "first 
degree" schools. Since independence, Arabization was seen as the means to purge 
Algerians of their colonial past in order to rediscover an authentic national identity. 
While not an Arabist (i.e., Arabic speaker/writer), President Ahmed Ben Bella (q.v.) 
linked the Arabization of the state to the success of socialism. Arabization of primary 
classes began during his presidency. 

Houari Boumedienne (q.v.), an Arabist, called for an accelerated Arabization, 
especially when the Cultural Revolution was inaugurated. The policy was very 
controversial. Actions such as the changing of street signs to Arabic names created 
confusion (done in the late 1970s). Mostapha Lacheraf (q.v.) as minister of education 
questioned Arabization, given its practical use and the texts available for its study. He 
even reinstituted bilingualism. The use of French in technical and scientific training 
also created cultural as well as historical contradictions. 

The ideas of an Arab nation imposing its language disaffected the Berbers (q.v.), 
resulting in chronic unrest and even violent protest in the 1980s. (Many of the Berbers 


Page 82 

also Francophone.) President Chadli Benjedid (q.v.) continued this policy as all 
primary-school classes and most secondary-school classes became Arabized. This was 
symbolized by the highly charged appropriation of Algiers's Lycee Descartes in 1988. 
Furthermore, the Arabization Law of December 1990 projected the complete 
Arabization of official activities during 1992 and for higher education by 1997. The 
rise of the Islamist and Arabist FIS (q.v.) added another dimension to the language 

The practical problems of Arabization also relate to the difference between the written 
language and the spoken language; Algerian Arabic is a dialect. Algerians fear that 
they will ironically suffer a "bilingual illiteracy," a linguistic limbo, by not being able 
to express themselves adequately in Arabic or French. This could also impede 
technological transfers. Indeed, English has been used at the Institut National 
dElectricite et dElectronique at Boumerdes. 


The National Liberation Army. This was the name of the revolutionary force that 
fought the French during the War of Independence (1954-1962) (q.v. Introduction). 
While the ALN rarely fielded battalion- sized units, its guerrilla rural and urban 
campaigns tied down hundreds of thousands of French troops. ALN units were often 
at the edge of physical and mental exhaustion given their inability to receive logistical 
support. Nevertheless, in spite of their weakness, they still posed threats. 

The "internal" ALN fought within Algeria, while the "external" ALN trained in 
bordering countries and occasionally attempted to infiltrate French frontier barriers 
such as the Morice Line. In order to maintain a sense of collegiality, the highest rank 
was colonel. Rivalries between ALN factions contributed to the intraelite strife after 
the Evian Accords (q.v.). Today the Army is called the Armee Nationale Populaire 

Page 83 


The ALN (q.v.) was changed to the ANP after independence was achieved. The ANP 
was initially led by Houari Boumedienne (q.v.) who used it effectively to overthrow 
his political rival, Ahmed Ben Bella (q.v.) in June 1965. Therefore, the ANP's role has 
been political besides military. Under President Chadli Benjedid (q.v.), himself a 
former colonel, ANP officers received for the first time the rank of general. In 1990, 
the Army included 120,000 soldiers in three armored, five mechanized, and 12 
motorized brigades; 31 infantry, four paratroop, five artillery, five air defense, and 
four engineer battalions; and 12 companies of desert troops. 

ARSLAN, CHEKIB (SHAKIB) (1869-194 6). 

A Druze amir and a pan- Arabist. Messali Hadj (q.v.) met Arslan in Geneva in 1936. 
Arslan apparently convinced Messali Hadj to emphasize Islam and Arabism in the 
Etoile Nord Africaine (ENA) (q.v.) and to move away from the communist ideology 
that had led to the founding of that organization. 


Turkish corsair captain and a founder of the Regency (q.v.). Though his early life has 
been obscured by legend, Aruj was probably born in Mitylene (Lesbos). Brought up 
as a pirate in the Greek archipelago, he was captured and forced to serve a term on the 
galleys of the Knights of Saint John. Afterward he returned to his piracy along the 
coast of Spain. By 1510, he had acquired an armed force of more than a thousand 
men and about a dozen ships. The Hafsid sultan of Tunis allied himself with Aruj and 
offered him the governorship of the island of Djerba, which became his headquarters. 
Aruj's personal territorial ambitions led him to establish alliances with local rulers, 
especially in eastern Algeria and in Kabylia. In 1514 he was in control of Djidjelli 

Page 84 

At the request of the shaykh of Algiers (q.v.), Salim al-Tumi, Aruj undertook an attack 
to free the city from the Spanish, who controlled the port by its fortress on the islet of 
Penon (q.v.). Though Penon remained in Spanish hands, Aruj took over the city. 

When unrest began to spread against the Turkish force, Aruj had the Shaykh strangled 
in his bath and himself proclaimed sultan by his forces. A Spanish expedition to 
recapture Algiers failed in 1516. 

At the request of townspeople from Tlemcen (q.v.), Aruj left Algiers in 1517 to seize 
that town from the control of the Abd al-Wadid (q.v.), Abu Hammu III, a Spanish ally. 
He placed his brother, Khayr al-Din (q.v.), in his stead at Algiers and proceeded to 
Tlemcen. Instead of restoring the pretender Abd al-Wadid (q.v.), Abu Zaiyan, Aruj 
took control of Tlemcen. A Spanish force from Oran besieged the town for six 
months in 1518. Aruj attempted to flee to the sea but was pursued by Spanish cavalry. 
He was slain at the ford of the Salado River. 

Aruj demonstrated that an effectively commanded, small, determined force could take 
advantage of native rivalries in the Maghrib. His conquests of Mitidja, the Chelif 
Valley, Titteri, the Dahra, Ouarsenais, and Tlemcen inspired Khayr al-Din to pursue 
successfully Aruj's territorial ambitions and secure Turkish power in Algeria. 


Arabic word popularized by Ibn Khaldun (q.v.) in his renowned work the 
Muqqadima , which might be translated as "group feeling"/"clannishness"/"esprit de 
corps "/"natural solidarity." Ibn Khaldun thought that asabiyya acted as a chief 
historical agent concerning the rise and fall of North African dynasties. 

EL-ASNAM (q.v. Ech-Chlef). 


Legislative institution formed by the Statute of Algeria (q.v.) of 

Page 85 

1947. This body was composed of 120 delegates, half of whom were Algerians. The 
Algerian Assembly was created to give Algeria more autonomy. The French were still 
very much in control, however, as the governor- general could exercise the veto. 
Another way to control Algerians was through electoral manipulation. The 1948 
elections, for example, were notoriously manipulated. As a result, many Algerians 
became alienated from the political process and turned toward more radical 


The APN was a product of the Constitution of 1976. Its first election was on February 
25, 1977. The 261 deputies were members of the FLN. The first free national 
legislative elections featuring Algeria's new political parties were to take place in June 
1991 (q.v. Elections of June 1991) until violent protests in Algiers forced their 
postponement. The rescheduled elections in December resulted in the astonishing 
success of the Islamist FIS party after the first round of elections (q.v. Elections of 
December 1991). The fearful uncertainty of an Islamist government led to the deposal 
of President Chadli Benjedid (q.v.) and the cancellation of the elections by the High 
Council of State (HCS) (q.v.). The Counseil Consultatif National (CCN) (q.v.) today 
represents a "legislative" branch in the new government though it has no legislative 


A French colonial policy. In the Algerian context, assimilation aimed in theory to 
make Frenchmen of Muslim subjects. This objective was to be reached through 
contact and education. In fact, the policy foundered especially because of the 
Algerians' fervent allegiance to Islam. While the policy was in effect, Algerians who 
acquired the accoutrements of French civilization, including language, dress, 
education, and, if not religion, at least the willingness to abandon a personal status 
based in 

Page 86 

part on Islamic law, could petition for French citizenship. In fact, the process was so 
complicated that relatively few Algerians ever became French citizens. More Algerians 
might have been assimilated if the procedures had not involved giving up a personal 
status defined in Islamic law and if the policy had not been applied by colonial 
officials who were often against the policy and thus made the workings of the law 
next to impossible. 

The problem of acquiring French citizenship in Algeria was highlighted by the 
colonial establishment's resistance to the Blum-Viollette legislation (q.v.), which would 
have granted citizenship to tens of thousands of Algerians. By the time of the March 
1944 Ordinance (q.v.) that realized the Blum-Viollette's objectives, the idea of 
assimilation had lost its appeal to the increasingly nationalist elite. 

Association of Algerian Workers). 

A union founded in 1962 to help protect the interests of some 800,000 Algerian 
workers who had emigrated to France in their search for work. The AGTA was 
affiliated with the Union Generate des Travailleurs Algeriens (UGTA) (q.v.). 

reformistes algeriens). 

A reformist Islamic organization that also opposed French colonialism. Founded in 
1931 by Abd al-Hamid Ben Badis (q.v.), it was most active in the Constantine region, 
but it quickly spread throughout Algeria. Other important members included Bachir 
al-Ibrahimi (q.v.), Tawfiq al-Madani (q.v.), and Tayyib al-Uqbi (q.v.). The Association 
was ostensibly not a political party but a religious group. Nevertheless, its cultural and 
educational program fostered the growth of an Algerian national spirit. 

By 1936, this Ulama organization had 130 schools in Constantine department alone. 

In Ulama schools, pupils 

Page 87 

learned in Arabic. There was no French content and, indeed, many of the Ulama did 
not know French. In their schools and in the Algerian boy scout movement, which 
they also directed, the Ulama taught young Algerians in a spirit best exemplified by 
their slogan: "Islam is my religion; Arabic is my language; Algeria is my fatherland." 

In the mid- 1930s, the Ulama joined the FEMA, the ENA (q.v.), and the PCA (q.v. 
Algerian Communist Party) in the Algerian Muslim Congress (q.v.), an attempt to 
unify all Algerian opposition to the colonial regime. After the beginning of the War of 
Independence, like the moderate UDMA (q.v.), it initially reserved its support for the 
FLN (q.v.). The association called for a general organization including all nationalist 
groups. Nevertheless, it, too, became alienated by French repression and the lack of 
conciliatory initiatives. Sensitive to the increasing attachment by the Muslim youth to 
the War of Independence, the association aligned itself with the FLN. 

After independence, the Ulama continued to have some influence in independent 
Algeria since the socialist governmental system did define itself as an Islamic 
government. The Ministry of Religious Foundations (habous), for example, generally 
was held by members of the Ulama group. The Cultural Revolution (q.v.), which 
featured accelerated Arabization, related directly to the enduring influence of the 
Ulama movement. Nevertheless, the close association of the "establishment 
ulama"with the FLN was discredited given the "Events" of October 1988 (q.v.), the 
subsequent instability, and especially the emergence of the Islamist FIS. 


Anti-Reformist organization formed in Algiers on September 15, 1932, in opposition 
to the Association of Reformist Algerian Ulama (q.v.). In opposition to the journal al- 
Shihab, they established an Arabic newspaper named Al-Ihlas (Sincerity) in December 

Page 88 

ASSOCIATION POLICY. A French colonial policy. When the assimilation (q.v.) 
policy proved unworkable, French officials applied the theory of association. 

Algerians (and other colonial subjects), it was thought, would be brought into the 
modern social and economic world by association with the superior civilization of 
France. In practice, this meant a more indirect rather than direct administration of the 
colonized. "Association" was another means to perpetuate the colonial establishment 
in spite of idealistic platitudes. Assimilation was practiced more in urban areas and 
association in the countryside ( bled)ln the deep Sahara, the French ruled through the 

ATERIAN. A prehistoric civilization, named for a major archaeological site, Bir el- 
Ater, located 100 kilometers south of Tebessa. Arriving in the area at the time of the 
last ice age, it is believed that the Aterian culture extended from the Nile to the Atlantic 
down to the edges of the Sahara. 

AUDISIO, GABRIEL (1900-1977). Writer. Audisio was born in Marseilles and 
occasionally visited Algeria. He was awarded the Prix litteraire in 1925 for Trois 
hommes et un minaret. Audisio was struck by the natural beauty of the country (its sun 
and sea), which eventually through his works became known as the "Mediterranean 
sensibility" ( sensibilite mediterraneene) . This can be seen in Jeunesse de la 
Mediterranee (1935) and Le Sel de la mer (1936). He saw Algeria as a melange of 
Mediterranean cultures unlike the more nationalist Algerianiste interpretation by Louis 
Bertrand (q.v.). Audisio especially influenced the writings of Albert Camus (q.v.). 

AUGUSTINE (AURELIUS AUGUSTINUS) (354-430). A famous Christian "Father" 
and Bishop of Hippo Regius (modern Annaba [q.v.]) (396-430). Augustine was born 
in Tagaste (Souk-Ahras) in eastern Numidia and educated in 

Page 89 

Madauros and Carthage. He went to Rome in 383. Though he was a Manichaean who 
was also influenced by Neoplatonism, Bishop (St.) Ambrose of Milan had a profound 
impression upon this young man in restless spiritual search. This led to Augustine's 
baptism by Ambrose on Easter in 387, and, after a short stay in Rome, he returned to 
Tagaste the following year. There he founded a monastery where he remained until 
391 when he became a priest at Hippo. 

Augustine succeeded Valerius as Bishop of Hippo and continued to reside there until 
his death during the siege of the city by the Vandals (q.v.). He devoted much of his 
energies as bishop toward healing the Donatist (q.v.) schism within the Christian 
Church. Unlike the Donatists, Augustine believed in cooperation with Rome. 
Augustine also championed Catholicism against Manichaeanism and Pelagianism. His 
most famous works are the Confessions and The City of God . Confessions is an 
autobiography that chronicles his worldly interests and spiritual development; The 
City of God presents a philosophy of history. Augustine perceived history as 
paradoxical, but providential and teleological leading to the Parousia (Second Coming 
of Christ). Augustine encouraged education, which produced the Augustinian Order 
of priests. He is venerated in the Catholic Church as a saint, as is his mother, St. 


Great massif of Southeastern Algeria and the Saharan Atlas. It contains Jabal (Djebel) 
(Mount) Chelia, which rises 2,326 meters (7,638 feet). The Aures is populated by the 
Chaouia (q.v.), a Berber (q.v.) people. Located in the northern part of the massif, the 
Chaouia are sedentary and combine agriculture with seminomadic herding. Because of 
its remoteness and ruggedness, the Aures sustained effective resistance against the 
Romans, the Arabs, the Turks, and the French in 1850, 1859, 1916, and during the 
War of Independence (1954-1962). 

Page 90 


A socialist initiative during the immediate period after independence. Anguished over 
their future and terrorized by the OAS and the FLN, hundreds of thousands of 
European settlers fled Algeria in 1962. The "vacationing" settler factories and farms 
were seized by Algerians, who began to manage these enterprises themselves. Ahmed 
Ben Bella (q.v.) touted the spontaneous mobilization of autogestion ("self- 
management") committees as a unique example of an Algerian brand of socialism. In 
a series of decrees (October, November 1962; March, October 1963), the Algerian 
government institutionalized and bureaucratized the self-management system that 
according to observers vitiated socialist initiative and enterprise. 

It was argued that the 5,000 farms that were nationalized compensated for the 8,000 
villages destroyed during the War of Independence. This expropriation of French 
property strained bilateral relations and effectively nullified in the short-term the 
agricultural cooperation as implied in the Evian Accords (q.v.). Algerian agricultural 
reform continued in the early 1970s with the Agrarian Revolution (q.v.). 


Confederation of tribes in western Algeria. This tribal group derived from a Muslim 
"saint," Sidi Shaykh, a descendant from Abu Bakr, the first caliph, and the Prophet 
Muhammad's best friend and father-in-law. In their history, the Awlad Sidi Shaykh 
were often influenced by the Moroccan Sultanate. During the French occupation, they 
first cooperated with Governor-General Thomas-Robert Bugeaud (q.v.) against the 
Amir Abd al-Qadir (q.v.). In the early 1850s, the Awlad under Mohammed ben 
Abdallah fought the French while others under Si Hamza cooperated with colonial 
forces. The French, however, faced a serious rebellion by the Awlad in 1864-1865 
when incompetent officers of the Bureaux Arabes insulted tribal leadership traditions. 
During the major 

Page 9 1 

Kabyle (q.v.) revolt in 1870, the Awlad Sidi Shaykh remained restive as reminded by 
occasional raids until 1883 and were passive afterward. 

AZEGGAGH, AHMED (1942- ). 

Journalist, poet, and playwright. Azeggagh was born in Bejaia, but he lived in France 
until returning to Algeria after 1962. He eventually settled again in France. His 
collection of poetry entitled Chacun son metier (1968) illustrated a disillusionment 
with independence. Among his other literary works are the novel E Heritage (1966), 
another poetic work, Les Recits du silence (1974), and a play Republique des ombres 
(1976). Azeggagh devoted the poetry of Blanc Best blanc (1987) to the emigrant labor 
(q.v.) problem. 

AZZEDINE (Rabah Zerari). 

ALN (q.v.) leader. Azzedine was a welder who joined the guerrillas in 1955. After 
being arrested in July 1956, he escaped. He became an ALN commander in 1958. 
Captured and imprisoned by the French in November 1958, he tricked his captors by 
claiming that he advocated de Gaulle's (q.v.) "Peace of the Brave." He rejoined his 
comrades in Tunis in March 1959 and served as a member of the CNRA from 1959 to 
1962, and the General Staff from 1960 to 1962. He headed the "autonomous zone" of 
Algiers from January to July 1962. Ben Bella (q.v.) considered him a political enemy 
and imprisoned him in 1964. He is the author of On nous appelait fellaghas (1976) 
and Et Alger ne brula pas (1980). 

Page 92 



Along with the Banu Sulaym, this Arab tribe had taken part in the Qarmatian revolt 
against the Abbasids (q.v.). Though they were Shi'a, their unruly behavior discredited 
them in the eyes of the Fatimids (q.v.), who forcibly dispatched them westward 
against the rebellious Zirids (q.v.) where they devastated the eastern and central 
Maghrib during the middle of the eleventh century. Qayrawan was pillaged in Ifriqiya 
and the Zirids fortified themselves for the onslaught in Mahdiya. The Hammadids 
(q.v.) were pressured to move from Qal'a to Bejaia (q.v.). 

The cultural significance of the arrival of the Banu Hilal was reminiscent of the arrival 
of the Germans in the Roman Empire and the Turks in the Abbasid Empire. It 
changed the civilization of North Africa from a Berber to a more Arab one, especially 
linguistically. Though the invasion occurred before the great Almoravid (q.v.) and 
Almohad (q.v.) Berber dynasties, the Banu Hilal cultural legacy became entrenched in 
North African society. Economically, the damage was consequential, destroying 
agricultural regions that had been very productive for centuries. Jamil Abun-Nasr 
points out (q.v. Bibliography), however, that the extent of the devastation may have 
been exaggerated given historiographical prejudices against nomads. The arrival of the 
Banu Hilal represents one of the greatest events in Maghrib i history. 

BARBAROSSA (q.v. Aruj; Khayr al-Din). 

A group of brothers born to an ex- Janissary and daughter of a Greek Orthodox priest, 
who established the Algerian Regency (q.v.). 


The American name given to a series of conflicts fought from 1800 to 1805 and, 
especially concerning Algeria, in 1815 between the United States and the states of the 
Maghrib. In 1812 the Dey of Algiers sought increased tribute for the passage of 
American commerce through the Mediterranean. Upon the conclusion of the 
American War of 1812 (1812 to 1815), American Commodores Bainbridge 

Page 93 

and Stephen Decatur (q.v.) led a naval force against the Algerian fleet, capturing its 
flagship (q.v. Hamidou ra'is ). Decatur then moved into the harbor of Algiers, 
threatening to bombard the port. In June 1815, the Dey signed a treaty that stipulated 
the elimination of tribute from the United States, the return of confiscated American 
property, the release of Christian hostages, and the payment of an indemnity for a 
captured brig. 

BARRAGE VERT ("Green Barricade"). 

Environmental initiative. In the mid-1970s, the Houari Boumedienne (q.v.) 
government embarked on an ambitious environmental project. The plan was to 
construct a belt of hardy, drought resistant vegetation (e.g., Aleppo Pines) traversing 
the country from Morocco to Tunisia (1,500 kms; ranging in width from 5 to 20 kms) 
to stop the relentless advance of the Sahara northward. It was designed, too, as a 
complement to the Agrarian Revolution (q.v.). Critical observers believed that the 
monies allocated could have been directed toward restoring eroded soils. This 
initiative has not been completely fulfilled. 

BATTLE OF ALGIERS (q.v.) (1956-1957). 

A terrorism campaign authorized by the CCE (q.v.) of the FLN (q.v.). Yacef Saadi 
(q.v.) was the chief FLN figure in Algiers (after Rabah Bitat's [q.v.] arrest). Saadi 
organized an urban guerrilla working from the Casbah (q.v.) with approximately 1,400 
operatives in which women played a strategic tactical role (q.v. Introduction; Zohra 
Drif; Djamila Bouhired; Women]). Particularly dauntless operatives included Hassiba 
Ben Bouali, Djamila Bouazza, Sarnia Lakhdari, and Ali Amara known as Ali la Pointe, 
who assassinated Mayor Amedee Froger of Boufarik, the president of the Federation 
of Mayors of Algeria, in December 1956. The French responded to the random 
assaults and the bombings (e.g., popular European settings such as the Milk-Bar, the 

Page 94 

Cafeteria, and the Coq-Hardi) by sending in elite paratroops ("les paras"). 
Furthermore, severe suppressive methods (including torture) were initiated. 
Eventually these measures dismantled the revolutionary apparatus. The CCE had 
withdrawn (leaving Algeria), though Larbi M'hidi (q.v.) stayed and was captured. 
Saadi and Zohra Drif were seized in September 1957. Several weeks later, Ali la 
Pointe, Hassiba Ben Bouali, and Saadi's twelve-year-old nephew were surrounded in 
the Casbah. A charge designed to knock down a partition apparently detonated 
explosives killing all three and 17 neighbors. While this campaign was a grievous 
military loss to the ALN, it publicized the FLN's quest for independence before the 
world. France also was targeted with international criticism. This is also the name of 
an impressive film by Gillo Pontecorvo (1965) (q.v. Cinema). 

BEDJAOUI, MOHAMMED (b. 1929). Jurist; minister; ambassador. Bedjaoui was born 
in Sidi-bel- Abbes and attended the University of Grenoble and the Institut d'Etudes 
Politiques (Grenoble). He served as a legal counselor to the GPRA during the War of 
Liberation. After the war he was briefly the president of the Societe National des 
Chemins de Fer (National Railways) and dean of the Faculte de Droit d Alger (1964). 
He also served as Minister of Justice (1964-1970) before beginning a diplomatic 
career. In 1969 he became Ambassador to France and in 1979 he was Algeria's United 
Nations delegate. He also argued in the International Court of Justice (ICJ) on behalf 
of the POLISARIO (1974-1975). In 1982, Bedjaoui became a justice of the ICJ. 
Among his publications are La Revolution algerienne et le droit (1961); Non- 
alignement et droit international (1977); and Pour un nouvel ordre economique 
international (1979). 

BEJAIA (Bejai'a/Bougie). Bejafa was colonized by the Romans. It gained particular 
prestige when it became the cosmopolitan 

Page 95 

capital of the Hammadids (q.v.) during the eleventh century. During Hammadid rule, it 
may have had 100,000 inhabitants. In 1136, it was besieged by Genoa. In 1151-1152, 
the Almohads (q.v.) took over the city and ended the Hammadid dynasty. The 
Almoravid adventurer Ali ibn Ghaniya took over Bejaia in 1184. The next conquest (c. 
1230) was achieved by the Hafsids of Tunisia. Bejai'a asserted its independence in 1284 
prior to falling before the rival Hafsids again during the following century. 

Like other cities along the North African littoral, Bejaia pursued piracy. This led to an 
assault in 1509 by Pedro Navarro (q.v.), who left a Spanish garrison there. The 
Spanish kept the town until 1555 when the Turks took it over. The city declined, 
losing its splendor and prosperity. After the French captured Algiers, the Turkish 
garrison was forced out by the citizens of the town and by neighboring Kabyles, who 
had often harassed the Turks. Though repulsed once, a French invasion under 
General Camille- Alphonse Trezel that had been outfitted in Toulon took the city in 
1833. Bejaia is an important hydrocarbons export center as a pipeline terminal for 
Saharan oil. Its population was recorded at 124,122 (1983). 


Poet. Though this talented poet signed his poetry with one K, he used two Ks formally 
to honor his uncle. He was a teacher and poet who was forced to leave Algeria during 
the War of Independence. He composed in Arabic and French. His Poemes litres 
(1946) are particularly significant given the Setif (q.v.) riots in 1945. 

BELHADJ, MOKRANE (q.v. Ou el-Hadj Mohand). 


ALN/APN officer. Born near Sedrata, Belhouchet had attained the rank of sergeant in 
the French Army before he joined the ALN. He 

Page 96 

fought in eastern Algeria ( Wilaya I and II) before crossing over into Tunisia. He was 
implicated in a 1958 coup against the GPRA, arrested by Tunisian authorities at the 
request of the ALN, and imprisoned until the fall of 1960. After his release, he joined 
an underground group organized along the Mali border by Abdelaziz Bouteflika (q.v.); 
Belhouchet eventually became commander of this region. 

Belhouchet supported the Tlemcen (q.v.) group (Ahmed Ben Bella [q.v.]-Houari 
Boumedienne [q.v] faction) in the summer of 1962 and was appointed to direct the 
commando section of the Military Academy at Cherchell. He fought in the ANP during 
the Border War of 1963 (q.v.), then was appointed commander of the Fifth Military 
Region (Constantine). He was a member of the Council of the Revolution (q.v.) in 
1965. Belhouchet commanded the First Military Region (Algiers) from 1967 to 1979. 

A close ally of Presidents Houari Boumedienne and especially Chadli Benjedid (q.v.), 
Belhouchet became deputy minister for defense in 1980 and also a member of the 
Political Bureau. He also served as inspector general of the Armed Forces. These 
positions placed him in a powerful position in the military. In 1984 he was promoted 
to general. In 1986, General Belhouchet replaced General Mostafa Benloucif (q.v.) as 
Army chief of staff. After the October riots, Belhouchet lost his position as deputy 
minister for defense. He still acted as Benjedid's military adviser. Belhouchet retired in 
August 1989 as a major general. 

BELKACEM, CHERIF (b. 1933). 

Minister. Belkacem was active in the UGEMA in Morocco and then joined Wilaya V. 
By the end of the War of Liberation, he was a close associate of Colonel Houari 
Boumedienne (q.v.) and in command of the General Staff Command Post- West. He 
became a member of the National Assembly and played an important role in 
presenting and passing the Constitution (1963) (q.v.). Though he became minister of 
education and orientation in 

Page 97 

1963 and minister of education the following year, he criticized Ben Bella within the 
FLN's Central Committee, which demonstrated his continuing attachment to 
Boumedienne. After the coup of June 1965 (q.v.), Belkacem was charged with 
reorganizing (and revitalizing) the FLN as "coordinator" of the Executive Secretariat 
He held that position until December 1967. The Ottaways (q.v. Bibliography) 
considered him a "moderate" within the Boumedienne "clan." Belkacem reemerged 
politically in 1991 with other former Boumedienne supporters in opposition to 
President Chadli Benjedid. 



Algerian nationalist who opposed the FLN. Bellounis was a strong supporter of 
Messali Hadj (q.v.) and served in the PPA (q.v.) and the MTLD (q.v.) and, most 
significantly, in the MNA (q.v.). The MNA was organized in December 1954 in 
opposition to the FLN's (q.v.) assertion that it was the sole nationalist voice of the 
Algerian people. Bellounis was charged by Messali to muster guerrillas within Algeria. 
The MNA targeted, however, the ALN (q.v.) rather than French forces. In the summer 
of 1955, under the command of Colonel Amirouche (q.v.), the ALN attacked 
Bellounis and his 500 MNA fighters at Guenzet in Kabylia (q.v.). Bellounis and a small 
number of his men survived the assault and escaped to the Melouza (q.v.) region 
(north of the Sahara) where there was still considerable Messalist support. The ALN 
massacre of suspected Messalists at Melouza (May 1957) forced Bellounis to turn to 
the French for logistical support. The French were very willing to collaborate (termed 
"Operation Ollivier"). By August 1957 Bellounis commanded 1,500-3,000 soldiers, 
who received their own uniforms and flag. Bellounis proclaimed this new force as the 
Armee Nationale du Peuple (or Populaire) Algerien 

Page 98 

(ANPA) and promoted himself to the rank of two-star general. Messali never gave this 
self-styled organization his official approval. Bellounis had initial success against the 
ALN, but his increasing megalomania and counterproductive harsh treatment of local 
civilians besides his own soldiers forced the French to end their association. He was 
tracked down and killed in July 1958. Bellounis was the only serious rival nationalist 
military threat mounted against the ALN. 

BEN ALLA (BENALLA), HADJ (b. 1923). 

Nationalist. Ben Alla was a member of the PPA (q.v.) in Oran. After the Allied 
invasion of North Africa (1942) (q.v.), he served in the Italian, French, and German 
campaigns. He was a member of the paramilitary OS (q.v.) and imprisoned. He 
became an officer in the ALN (q.v.) during the War of Independence and was a 
companion of Larbi Ben M'Hidi (q.v.). Ben Alla was arrested in November 1956 and 
released in 1962. 

He was a member of Ahmed Ben Bella's (q.v.) Political Bureau (q.v.) and of the FLN's 
(q.v.) Central Committee after independence. In 1963 he was his party's director in 
charge of national organizations. He also served as president of the National 
Assembly. Ben Alla was considered to be very close politically to Ben Bella; therefore, 
he was arrested, too, when Houari Boumedienne (q.v.) took over the government in 
June 1965. Ben Alla was released from prison in 1968. He was kept under surveillance 
until completely freed in 1978. 


Nationalist. Benaouda was from Annaba (q.v.) and was attracted to Messali Hadj's 
(q.v.) PPA (q.v.) and later the paramilitary OS (q.v.). He was arrested by French 
colonial authorities in 1950, but escaped from prison in 1951. As an outlaw, he moved 
about Algeria, but particularly in Kabylia (q.v.) until the outbreak of the War of 
Independence in November 1954. He favored armed 

Page 99 

revolution and, at the Soummam Congress of August 1956 (q.v.), he was named a 
member of the CNRA (q.v.). One of his first duties with the CNRA was to go from 
Algeria to Tunis to argue the supremacy of the interior delegation of the FLN (q.v.). 
Later he served as a member of the Algerian negotiating team for talks with France. 
After independence Benaouda pursued a diplomatic career, including service as a 
military attache (Cairo, Paris, and Tunis) and as an ambassador (Libya). 

BEN ARRASH, MILOUD (fl. 1830s). 

Prior to 1830 he served as an agha in the service of Hasan Bey of Oran. Under Abd 
al-Qadir (q.v.), he served as a khalifa and as the Amir's representative to France. Ben 
Arrash's mission (1838) symbolized Abd al-Qadir's sovereignty as recognized by the 
Treaty of Tafna (1837) (q.v.). 

BEN BADIS, ABDEL HAMID (Abdelhamid; Abd al-Hamid bn Badis) (1889-1940). 
Founder of the Association of Reformist Ulama (religious scholars) (q.v.) and 
indirectly a cultural nationalist. Born in Constantine (q.v.) into a traditional Muslim 
family (though his father was a member of the Conseil superieur),hQ was educated in 
his native city, in Tunis (Zituna University), and in other Muslim centers in the Middle 
East. He was influenced by the Salafiyya movement (q.v.) and the ideas of 
Muhammad Abduh (q.v.). Ben Badis founded two journals after he returned to 
Algeria, al-Muntaqid and al-Shihab. In 1931, he helped create the Algerian 
Association of Reformist Ulama which was to have a great deal of influence in 
shaping Algeria's Arabic Renaissance (Nahda). His motto, which became that of the 
Algerian Muslim Boy Scouts' Movement was "Islam is my religion, Arabic my 
language, Algeria my fatherland." 

Though he was not a nationalist, Ben Badis asserted an Algerian identity. He believed 
that assimilation was impossible and that Algerians had to assert their Islamic identity. 

Page 100 

refuted Ferhat Abbas (q.v.) and the liberal elite by asserting: "This Algerian nation is 
not France, cannot be France, and does not wish to be France." The Ulama did 
participate, however, in the Algerian Muslim Congress (q.v.). 

Shaykh Ben Badis's emphasis on cultural values appealed to nationalists. Though the 
contributions of Abbas and Messali Hadj (q.v.) were usually ignored or castigated by 
the FLN (before the National Charter of 1986 [q.v.]), Ben Badis's legacy was respected 
and has heightened given the current Islamic revival in Algerian political and social 

BEN BELLA, AHMED (b. 1916) (q.v. Introduction). 

First premier and president of independent Algeria. Ahmed Ben Bella was also the 
best-known member of the small group of men ("historic leaders" [q.v.]) who as 
members of the CRUA (q.v.) planned and launched the Algerian War of 

Ben Bella was born into a relatively comfortable farming family in Marnia and was the 
youngest child in a family of five boys and several girls. His father apparently insisted 
on the proper observance of Islam and native customs. Nevertheless, Ben Bella was 
not well versed in Arabic, but he did manage to finish French primary school by the 
time he was thirteen years old. He was drafted into the 14th regiment of Algerian 
Sharpshooters before the outbreak of World War II and served with distinction in the 
Italian campaign, earning a Military Cross for valor. Returning to Algeria in 1945, he 
witnessed the terrible repression of the Setif (q.v.) uprising and quickly joined the 
illegal PPA (q.v.). He was later a member of the OS (q.v.), participated in an attack on 
the main post office in Oran (April 4, 1949), and was captured by the French police. 
He was imprisoned from 1950 until his escape in 1952. 

Ben Bella fled to Cairo where he joined Mohamed Khider (q.v.), Mohamed Boudiaf 
(q.v.), and Hocine Ait Ahmed 

Page 101 

(q.v.) in the planning for the revolution, thereby earning membership among the 
"historic leaders." After the War of Independence began in November 1954, Ben Bella 
headed the "external" faction of the FLN, which soon rivaled the "internal" faction for 
control of the revolution. His chief objective was to direct the collection of funds and 
materiel for the ALN (q.v.). Ben Bella was not invited to the Soummam Conference 
(q.v.) (August 1956), which asserted the primacy of the "internals." In October 1956 
he and other "historic chiefs" (Ait Ahmed, Boudiaf, and Khider) were skyjacked by 
the French while en route from Morocco to Tunisia. He was held prisoner in France 
until 1962. 

After the war, Ben Bella teamed with the powerful external military commander 
Houari Boumedienne (q.v.) and formed the Political Bureau (Tlemcen group) (q.v.) in 
opposition to the GPRA (q.v.). After a brief and tragic intraelite conflict, Ben Bella 
emerged with the support of Boumedienne as the most powerful political figure in 
Algeria. He became Algeria's first prime minister (1962-1963), then was elected 
president of the Algerian Republic (1963-1965). While in power, Ben Bella helped 
restore order in Algeria, steered his country toward a socialist economy, pushed for 
agrarian reforms (e.g., the self-management [autogestion][ q.v.] system), and spent 
considerable sums on education. In foreign policy, he supported wars of national 

Ben Bella faced many problems and threats to his authority. In 1963-1964, Kabyle 
(q.v.) unrest resulted in a serious rebellion instigated by his former colleague, Alt 
Ahmed. Algeria also engaged in a brief border war (q.v.) with Morocco in October- 
November 1963. In 1964 Col. Mohammed Chaabani (q.v.) led an unsuccessful 
military revolt against Ben Bella. Ben Bella perceived the political ambitions of Vice 
President Boumedienne and attempted to remove his supporters from his cabinet (e.g., 
Ahmed Kaid [q.v.], Cherif Belkacem [q.v.], Ahmed Medeghri [q.v.] and Abdelaziz 
Bouteflika [q.v.]). On June 19, 1965, Boumedi- 

Page 102 

enne (q.v.) deposed him (q.v. Coup of June 19, 1965). While Ben Bella was 
reproached for his rule, his controversial recovery of land and property was a 
stunning achievement; and policies challenging the French military and hydrocarbon 
presences (e.g., the inauguration of SONATRACH [q.v.]) represented significant 
initiatives which aimed at securing full Algerian sovereignty. 

Ben Bella's fate after his arrest during the coup of 1965 was not known, which 
mobilized a variety of pro-Ben Bella and anti-Boumedienne organizations. He was 
freed from house arrest in July 1979 by President Chadli Benjedid (q.v.). All 
restrictions were lifted in October 1980 and Ben Bella left for France. 

In May 1984 Ben Bella formed an opposition party called the Mouvement pour la 
Democratic en Algerie (MDA) that called for a democratic and multiparty Algerian 
government. He even espoused Islamist positions. After reconciling with fellow 
political exile, Ait Ahmed, both men demanded in December 1985 a constituent 
assembly ensuring political rights in Algeria. In 1990 Ben Bella was allowed to return 
to Algeria and for a brief political moment, observers thought that the former 
president could reconcile secular and Islamist groups. In 1991 he declared himself a 
candidate for the Presidency. After the deposal of Benjedid in January 1992 by the 
High Council of State, soon headed by another former colleague, Boudiaf, Ben Bella 
still remained on the political periphery though he is regarded as an important historic 

BEN BOULAID, MO STEFA (1917-1956). 

"Historic leader" (q.v.) and ALN (q.v.) commander. Ben Boulaid was born into a 
family of impoverished peasants. He served with distinction in the Italian campaign 
(like Ahmed Ben Bella [q.v.]) in World War II. Ben Boulaid became a miller and 
eventually was able to buy a bus line that served the Arris-Batna region. His political 
activity led him, however, 

Page 103 

into difficulties with the French authorities, and he lost his business license in 1951. 

By then, he had already been an active nationalist politically aligned with Messali Hadj 
(q.v.). Ben Boulaid ran for the Algerian Assembly in 1948, won a majority of votes, 
but was denied his seat by the colonial authorities. He was a founding member of the 
CRUA(q.v.), thereby regarded as a "historic chief." 

When the War of Independence began, he commanded the Aures region ( Wilaya I). 
His men conducted the first operation of the revolution at Biskra on October 31, and 
continued in the Aures the following morning, resulting in the deaths of a caid and 
Guy Monnerot, who along with his wounded wife were dedicated French teachers. 
Through intermediaries, Salah Maiza and Hamoud El-Hachemi, who were members of 
the Central Committee of the MTLD (q.v.), he tried to convince Messali Hadj to join in 
the armed rebellion. This effort failed. Meanwhile, he sold much of what he owned to 
help finance the revolution in the Aures, a wilaya he kept together only with great 
difficulty. The French authorities managed to arrest him in February 1955, but he 
escaped on November 4, of the same year. He died on March 27, 1956, while trying to 
operate a field radio that had been booby-trapped by the French army's special 


Writer; translator. Bencheneb translated numerous Arabic texts into French 
(chronicles, philosophical, poetic, and philological books) and authored books of his 
own (e.g., Traite de prosodie arabe [1906] and Proverbes arabes d'Algerie et du 
Maghreb [3 vols. 1905-1907]). Among the Arabic authors he translated or published 
critical editions about their works were Ibn Maryam, al-Ghobrini, al-Zadjadji, and 
Aboul Arab al-Khochani (q.v. Literature in Arabic). 


Writer. Son of Mohammed Bencheneb (q.v.), he, too, published a great deal 

Page 104 

about Arabic literature. Some of his books were in Arabic, but most were in French. 
His best-known works are La Poesie arabe moderne (1945) and Contes d Alger 
(1946). He was awarded the Algerian Grand Literary Prize for these two books. 

BENCHRIF, AHMED (b. 1927). 

Officer; minister. A native of Djelfa, Benchrif had been promoted to the rank of 
second lieutenant in the French Army before he deserted to join the ALN (q.v.) in July 
1957. He was appointed director of a nationalist military school located in southern 
Tunisia. He went underground in 1959 and became commander of Wilaya IV with the 
rank of major in 1960. Benchrif was also a member of the CNRA. He was condemned 
to death after his capture in October 1960. The sentence was not carried out and he 
was released from French prison after the signing of the Evian Accords (q.v.). He was 
promoted to colonel in the ALN (q.v.) and was put in charge of the Algerian 
gendarmerie. He was a key actor in Houari Boumedienne's (q.v.) coup of June 1965 
(q.v.) and became a member of the Council of the Revolution (q.v.). He also had 
considerable influence in the ANP (q.v.). In 1977 he became minister of hydraulics 
and environment and a member of the Political Bureau (q.v.) in 1979. In 1980 he was 
removed from Political Bureau and in 1981 from the Central Committee. 


Moderate nationalist. Bendjelloul continued the work of the Young Algerians (q.v.) 
and aimed to realize personally and publicly the French ideal of assimilation (q.v.). He 
founded the Federation des Elus Musulmans dAlgerie (FEMA) during the time of the 
pending Blum-Viollette legislation (q.v.). Bendjelloul was at the height of his influence 
during this period as he called for an Algerian Muslim Congress (q.v.) to coordinate 
colonized support for the legislation. After the parliamentary repudiation of the 
legislation, the moderates 

Page 105 

split (q.v. Ferhat Abbas), and Bendjelloul organized in 1938 the Rassemblement 
Franco-Musulman Algerien (RFMA). 

Bendjelloul continued to work within the system. He eventually became a deputy to 
the French National Assembly. When the War of Independence broke out, he 
reminded the French of the past opportunities to satisfy native political aspirations, 
which were squandered. Ironically, Bendjelloul contributed, too, to the revolutionary 
effort. He was deeply disturbed by the FLN-instigated massacres and the French 
retribution ("collective responsibility") (q.v. Jacques Soustelle) at Philippeville 
(Skikda). He once again organized a meeting that produced the "Declaration of Sixty- 
One" (26 September 1955) (q.v.), underscoring how French policies alienated the 
Algerian moderates. It was tantamount to a statement of support for the FLN (q.v.). 

BENHADDOU, BOUHADJAR (Si Othmane) (b. 1927). 

ALN (q.v.) officer. Born near Oran, Benhaddou was a farmhand before the 1954 War 
of Independence. He was a member of the OS (q.v.) and was arrested for terrorist 
activities in 1950; he was released in 1953. Benhaddou joined the ALN in 1954 and 
eventually became commander of Wilaya V. During the intraelite conflict in the 
summer of 1962, he supported the Political Bureau (q.v.) of Ahmed Ben Bella (q.v.) 
and Houari Boumedienne (q.v.). Benhaddou became Ben Bella's cabinet chief and was 
promoted to the FLN's Central Committee in April 1964. After the coup of June 1965, 
he served on the Council of the Revolution (q.v.). 

BENHADJ (BELHADJ), ALI (b. 1956). 

Militant imam (of the al-Sunna mosque, Bab el-Oued, Algiers). Benhadj was born in 
Tunis, though his family was from the Bechar region. He was a supporter of Mustapha 
Bouili (q.v.) and was imprisoned from 1982 to 1985. Benhadj devoutly embraced the 
idea to realize an Islamic state in Algeria linked to an Arab nation (umma ). Benhadj 
became Abassi Madani's (q.v.) 

Page 106 

cofounder and deputy leader of the Front Islamique du Salut (FIS). (Within the FIS, 
he is regarded as the chief salafiste, or internationalist Islamist.) His fiery sermons 
attracted many of the alienated and disillusioned youth. He alarmed Westerners with 
his anti- democratic rhetoric and has been significantly influenced by the Iranian 
Revolution. Above all, he has been an ardent critic of the FLN (q.v.). He was arrested 
along with Madani on June 30, 1991 after violent protests by FIS led to the calling of a 
state of siege and postponement of the first free national legislative elections (q.v. 
Elections of June 1991). Along with Madani, he was given a 12-year sentence in July 
1992, which observers regarded as a moderate punishment signaling a reconciling 
approach by the Algerian government (i.e., the High Council of State [HCS] [q.v.]) 
with recalcitrant Islamist factions. 

BENHAMOUDA, BOUALEM (b. 1933). FLN (q.v.) minister. 

Benhamouda, who holds a doctorate in law, played a very important role within the 
FLN, including being the president of the party's Fourth Congress (February 1979). He 
also served as minister of the Mujahidin (1965-1970); minister of justice (1970-1977); 
minister of public works (1977-1979); minister of the interior (1980-1982); and 
minister of finances (1982-1986). He also served as director of the Institut dEtudes 
Strategiques Glob ales (INESG) until 1990. By that time, Benhamouda became critical 
of President Chadli Benjedid's (q.v.) liberalization policies and became identified with 
the opposition associated with other ex-Boumedienne (q.v.) officials. 

BENHEDOUGA, ABDELHAMID (b. 1929) (q.v. Literature in Arabic). 

Writer and poet. Benhedouga was born in Mansoura near Setif and is one of Algeria's 
leading authors and poets, who always writes in Arabic though he knows French well. 
In 1958, he published an essay entitled Algeria Between Yesterday and Today, and, at 
about the same time, he joined 

Page 107 

the ALN-FLN underground as a propagandist. Beginning with the War of 
Independence, Benhedouga began to earn a reputation through his short stories. He is 
best known, however, for his novel The Wind from the South, which was published in 
1971. This book has been translated internationally. It is a story that examines 
generational conflicts and the role of women in Algerian rural life. Among his other 
works are Empty Souls , The End of Winter (1975), Morning Has Risen (1980), and 
Jaziya and the Dervishes (1980). He has also been a frequent commentator on radio 
and television. 

BEN IBRAHIM, SLIMANE (Baamer) (1870-1953). 

Writer, collaborator, and companion of Etienne Dinet (q.v.). Ben Ibrahim was Dinet's 
friend, mentor, and guide regarding Maghribi life and Islam. They worked together 
for 45 years. Among the works of Ben Ibrahim and Dinet are Rabia el Kouloub ou le 
printemps des coeurs (1902); Mirages. Scenes de la vie arabe (1906); Tableaux de la 
vie arabe (1908); Khadra , la danseuse des Ouled Nail (1910); and L'Orient vu de 
rOccident (1921). 


Third president of Algeria. Born in Bouteldja in the Annaba (q.v.) region, he was the 
son of a small landholder. He received some schooling at Annaba. 

Joining the ALN (q.v.), he was regional commander in 1956 and an assistant 
commander in 1957. He was wounded in 1957 and promoted to captain in 1958. In 
1960, Chief of Staff Houari Boumedienne (q.v.) appointed Benjedid to the Operational 
Command of the nationalists' Northern Military Zone. 

After the war, Benjedid, now a major, commanded the 5th military (Constantine) 
region and monitored the withdrawal of French troops. He was transferred to the 2nd 
Military (Oran) Region in June 1964 and pursued a similar mission in that part of 
Algeria, including the withdrawal from the naval base of Mers-el-Kebir in 1968. 

Page 108 

Not surprisingly, Benjedid supported Boumedienne's coup of June 1965 and became a 
member of the Council of the Revolution (q.v.). In 1969, on the fourth anniversary of 
the takeover, he was promoted to colonel, the highest rank in the ANP (until Benjedid 
created [permitted] the rank of General during his presidency). He accompanied 
Boumedienne to Morocco in 1969, a trip resulting in a treaty of cooperation and even 
Benjedid's decoration by King Hassan II. 

Benjedid's command in Oran became much more strategic given the War in Western 
Sahara (q.v.). On the whole, however, he was a professional and loyal army officer 
who played only minor political roles until President Boumedienne's health worsened 
in 1978. 

As the eight members of the Council of the Revolution assumed more responsibility, 
Benjedid was given more power concerning military defense and security. After 
President Boumedienne's death in December 1978, Benjedid emerged as a 
compromise candidate among political factions in the FLN. After becoming Secretary- 
General of the FLN on 25 January 1979, he was elected President on 7 February. He 
also held the Defense portfolio. 

Benjedid was not as ideological as his predecessors and was generally regarded as a 
pragmatist. He reoriented direction of state-planning from the heavy capitalization of 
the second sector to a more balanced development thereby giving more attention to 
the relatively neglected first sector. He also dismantled enormous state companies and 
created smaller enterprises. His foreign policy emphasized regional affairs; especially 
the idea of a Greater Maghrib (q.v.). This meant reconciliation with Morocco which 
had broken relations over the War in Western Sahara and especially Algeria's support 
of the POLISARIO (q.v.). In February 1989 an Arab Maghrib Union (AMU) (q.v.) 
was established which aimed to integrate the policies of Morocco, Mauritania, Algeria, 
Tunisia, and Libya. 

Page 109 

Benjedid was reelected in 1985. In January 1986, an "enriched" "National Charter" 
(q.v.) was published, reaffirming Algeria's Arab and socialist identity. Nevertheless, 
that image had been already attacked by Berber (q.v.) groups (e.g., protests in 1980) 
which feared a cultural imposition of Arabism. Algeria's pursuit of socialism was 
regarded as a foreign ideology by politicized and inimical Islamists. Chronic under- 
and unemployment alienated a more educated youth. Furthermore, oil prices collapsed 
in the mid 1980s (q.v. Hydrocarbons), which had a severe effect upon the economy. 
These variables led to popular uprisings in October 1988 (q .v.), resulting in the 
proclamation of a state of siege and hundreds of casualties. The FLN was forced to 
give up its monopoly of political power as the Constitution was revised (February 
1989) (q.v.), permitting political pluralism and guaranteeing civil rights. In addition, 
the prime minister received more governing authority. 

Benjedid's survival of this crisis was a testament to his popularity in Algeria, although 
he was tainted by the violence. He was reelected president in 1989 (third term). 
Nevertheless, the surprising success of the Islamist FIS in the June 1990 local 
elections (q.v. Elections of June 1990) weakened his position. In June 1991 (q.v. 
Elections of June 1991), he had to declare a state of siege again after violent protests 
by the FIS over the electoral process during national elections. On June 26, 1991, 
Benjedid resigned as head of the FLN. Remaining president, he faced deepening 
political, economic, and social problems. 

The first round of the rescheduled parliamentary elections were held in December 
1991 (q.v. Elections of December 1991). The FIS again earned a remarkable success. 
The second round was sure to place it in power. Benjedid prepared to continue the 
democratic process and to share power with the the Islamists. On January 11, 1992, a 
group of civilian and military leaders, apprehensive of the prospect of an FIS- 
dominated government, engineered a coup and 

Page 110 

deposed Benjedid, replacing him with the High Council of State (HCS) (q.v.). He was 
placed in house arrest Given the indictment against General Mostefa Benloucif (q.v.) 
for corruption, there have been reports that Chadli Benjedid may also be charged with 
abusing the privileges of his presidency. 


Ambassador. Benkaci had a distinguished career of public service. He studied in Cairo 
where he joined the FLN (q.v.) during the Revolution. He served within the Ministry 
of Information of the GPRA (q.v.). He was a member of the Algerian mission to the 
U.N. before heading the Arab world section of the Foreign Ministry. He became the 
Ambassador to Damascus. He was the deputy secretary-general of the Ministry of 
Foreign Affairs before he was tabbed to head the Department of Foreign Affairs and 
Cooperation of the Presidency. Benkaci played an important role in upgrading 
relations with Egypt. He died of injuries after being hit by an automobile in Paris. 

BEN KERIOU, ABDALLAH (q.v. Oral Tradition). 


Second president of the GPRA (q.v.). Ben Khedda's father was a Muslim magistrate. 
After receiving a scholarship, Ben Khedda attended the lycee at Blida and eventually 
became a pharmacist. He joined the PPA (q.v.) during World War II. He was secretary- 
general of the MTLD (q.v.) in 1954 when that party split into two groups, the 
Messalists (q.v. Messali Hadj) and the Centralists (Ben Khedda was on the Central 
Committee). He was arrested in November 1954 after protesting French repressive 
policies. After his release he joined the FLN (q.v.). Along with Ramdane Abane (q.v.) 
and Saad Dahlab (q.v.), he drafted the Soummam Platform (q.v.). In 1957 he and 
Belkacem Krim (q.v.) reached Tunis after an 

Page 111 

adventurous trek. He served as minister for social affairs in the first GPRA and as a 
member of the CNRA (q.v.) and CCE (q.v.). In December 1958 he led the FLN's first 
delegation to China. Though he resigned from the GPRA in 1960, he continued to 
serve the FLN in various diplomatic delegations and to write in El-Moudjahid (q.v.). 

Though Ben Khedda had not taken sides in the elite struggle, he did believe in civilian 
control. He was chosen in August 1961 to replace Ferhat Abbas (q.v.) as president of 
the GPRA. Ben Khedda, with a reputation as a Marxist theorist, was regarded as a 
hard-liner with regard to negotiations with the French. This made him politically 
palatable to Colonel Houari Boumedienne (q.v.) and the General Staff of the ALN. 

After the completion of the Evian Accords (q.v.), Ben Khedda and the GPRA were 
confronted by the Political Bureau led by elite rivals Ahmed Ben Bella (q.v.) and 
Boumedienne. This political struggle resulted in the defeat of the GPRA. 

Ben Khedda retired to private life until 1976 when he, Ferhat Abbas, and several 
others published a manifesto (q.v. "New Appeal to the Algerian People") criticizing the 
policies of the Boumedienne options. This led to his house arrest (released by 
President Benjedid [q.v.]). He organized the opposition group called the Union 
Nationale pour la Liberte et la Democratic (UNLD). After the constitutional reforms 
of 1989, Ben Khedda mobilized a political party called Oumma.ThQ name means 
nation, but also means Islamic community. He has attempted to coordinate opposition 
Islamist parties. 

BEN KHEIR, MOHAMMED (q.v. Oral Tradition). 


ANP officer. As a military man close to President Chadli Benjedid (q.v.), Benloucif 
was selected secretary-general of the Ministry of Defense in 1980. He was 

Page 112 

chosen as an alternate member of the Political Bureau (q.v.) of the FLN (q.v.) in 
January 1984, was promoted to Major General in October, and became the ANP's 
chief of staff in November. Though he retired in 1987, he was indicted for corruption 
in 1992 and sentenced to a 15-year imprisonment in 1993. The indictment signaled the 
High Council of State's (HCS) (q.v.) determination to present an image of a 
government resolved to reform and disassociate itself with the former governing 

BEN M'HIDI, LARBI (1923-1957). 

"Historic leader" (q.v.); revolutionary leader. Ben M'Hidi was born in Ain MLila in 
Constantinois (region of Constantine) into a family of relatively well-to-do farmers. 

He was attracted to Messali Hadj's (q.v.) nationalist appeal and was in the PPA (q.v.) 
and in the OS (q.v.). He was a founding member of the CRUA (q.v.), thereby gaining 
the reputation as a founder ("historic leader") of the FLN (q.v.). Ben M'Hidi was the 
first commander of the Oran wilaya (V). 

At the Soummam Congress he was elected to the Committee for Coordination and 
Execution (CCE). (He gave command of Oran province to Abdelhafid Bossouf [q.v.].) 
Ben M'Hidi supported the theses advanced by Ramdane Abane (q.v.) and Belkacem 
Krim (q.v.) that the "interior" elite should lead the revolution. During the Battle of 
Algiers (q.v.), Ben MHidi directed the ALN (q.v.) until his capture. Though he was 
supposed to be treated well, he died mysteriously in prison. Interpretations vary about 
his death, which was officially reported as a suicide. He was probably tortured during 
his incarceration. 

BENNABI, MALEK (1905-1973). 

Writer. Bennabi received both an Arabic and French education and wrote in both 
languages. Besides being a celebrated author, he was also an electrical engineer. 

Before the revolution he contributed to La Republique Algerienne (1950) and Jeune 

Page 113 

(1952-1953). After the war he wrote for Revolution africaine (1964-1968). His 
political leanings were liberal (toward the UDMA [q.v.]), but he also identified 
strongly with the Ulama.BQrmabi understood the need for Algerians to reexamine 
themselves. His writings complement the existential theme to modern Algerian history. 
Among his works are: Le Phenomene coranique. Essai dune theorie sur le Coran 
(1947); Lebbeik , pelerinage de pauvres (1948); Discours sur la condition de la 
renaissance Algerienne. Le Probleme dune civilisation (1949); Vocation de ILslam 
(1954); The Ideological Struggle in a Colonized Country (in Arabic; 1957); SOS 
Algeria (Arabic; 1957); Le Sens de Vetape (1970); The Muslim Role in the Last Third 
of the Twentieth Century (Arabic; 1973). 


Writer. Bennour wrote Les Enfants des jours sombres, which chronicled the War of 
Independence as viewed by a family. It received a national literary award 
commemorating the revolution. 

BEN OTHMAN, MOHAMED (r. 1766-1791). 

Dey. Ben Othman reasserted the Regency's (q.v.) power by imposing tribute upon 
maritime activities (among the payers were Great Britain, the United States, and the 
Kingdom of Two Sicilies) and by successful military campaigns in the interior. He also 
repulsed the Spanish invasion (q.v. O'Reilly). He was politically and militarily the last 
dynamic Dey. 

BEN RAHAL, M'HAMED (MOHAMED) (1855-1928). 

Algerian colonial administrator; reformer and writer. Ben Rahal was the son of an 
agha and eventually succeeded his father as caid of Nedroma. Ben Rahal studied at 
the College imperial. Though he was a member of the colonial establishment, Ben 
Rahal tried to change the system for the benefit of the indigenous population. He 
provided testimony in 1891 for the investigating Senate Committee that was critical of 

Page 114 

the colonial government. Ben Rahal became attracted to sufism and became an initiate 
to the Darqawa (q.v.) brotherhood. He was identified as a leading member of the 
Vieux Turbans (q.v.). Not surprisingly, he did not embrace the "Young Algerians." 
Nevertheless, he eventually supported the Emir Khaled's (q.v.) proposals. In 1922 Ben 
Rahal called for the abrogation of the arbitrary Code de ITndigenat (q.v.). Ben Rahal 
also served on the Consed general of Nedroma, but he failed to be elected to the 
Delegations financieres (q.v.). 

Besides his political activities, he published in the Bulletins de Geographie d'Oran 
and is credited (by Jean Dejeux [q.v. Bibliography]) as having published the first 
Algerian short story written in French. He was also an associate member of the 
Academie des Sciences coloniales. 

BEN SAHLA, MOHAMMED (q.v. Oral Tradition). 

BEN SAID, FARHAT (d. 1840). 

An Arab shaykh from the South (eastern Sahara). Said opposed the eastern beylik 
(Constantine) and rebelled against its authority (1820-22). Though he settled his 
differences with the Turks, he was dismissed by Ahmad Bey in 1830 and renewed 
hostilities against the beylik which lasted until he joined the Amir Abd al-Qadir (q.v.). 
He accepted the title of khalifa of Ziban and the eastern Sahara for the Amir. 


Soldier. Born in the region along the Tunisian border, Bensalem was a decorated 
officer in the French army (fought in Italy during World War II and Indochina) who 
deserted to the ALN (q.v.) in 1956. He was a supporter of Houari Boumedienne (q.v.) 
against the GPRA (q.v.). After the War he became a member of the General Staff of 
the ANP (1964) and served on the Central Committee of the FLN. 

Page 115 


Reformer. A resident of Algiers and an ophthalmologist by profession, Ben Thami 
was a "Young Algerian" (q.v.) who led a delegation to Paris in 1912. In meetings with 
Raymond Poincare and other French political leaders, he requested an increase in 
rights for Algerians. His group suggested that Algerian soldiers should be able to 
choose naturalization without being forced to renounce their personal rights as 
defined by Islamic law. Other demands included a call for an end of the Code de 
Vindigenat (q.v.) and for significant representation for Algerians at every level of 
government, including some elected representatives in Paris itself, either in the 
Chamber of Deputies or in some special body. These demands of the "Young 
Algerians" created quite a debate in the French press, and influenced the shape and 
content of the Clemenceau (q.v.) and Jonnart (q.v.) reforms, though this legislation 
generally disappointed "Young Algerian" aspirations. 


FLN leader; wartime minister. Ben Tobbal was active in the PPA (q.v.) and the OS 
(q.v.) and condemned to death in 1950. He went underground and later joined the 
FLN (q.v.). Ben Tobbal was Youssef Zighouf s (q.v.) adjutant in Wdaya II (North- 
Constantinois). He supported the plan to attack the European community in the 
Philippeville region (August 1955) in order to demonstrate to Algeria, France, and the 
world that the FLN aimed to achieve by any means its objective of destroying 
colonialism (q.v. Introduction). He was a representative at the Soummam Congress 
(q.v.) and was elected to the CNRA (q.v.). He served the GPRA (q.v.) and from 1958 
to 1961 as minister of the interior and then as a minister of state in the Ben Youssef 
Ben Khedda (q.v.) government. He was on the negotiating team that resulted in the 
Evian Accords (q.v.). After independence Ben Tobbal became 

Page 116 

active in Algeria's economic development and became president and director general 
of Algeria's national steel enterprise. 

BEN YAHIA (Benyahia), MOHAMMED SEDIK (1932-1982). 

Minister. Ben Yahia was born in Djidjelli in Kabylia (q.v.). His mother spoke only 
Arabic, but she encouraged her son to get as much modern (i.e., French) education as 
possible. He eventually earned a licence (equivalent to an M.A.) in Law in 1953. 
Collaborating with Ahmed Taleb Ibrahimi (q.v.), Belaid Abdesselam (q.v.), and 
Lamine Khene, he helped organize the Union Generate des Etudiants Musulmans 
Algeriens (UGEMA), a pro-FLN student union. 

Between 1954 and 1956, he defended victims of repression in Algiers. He left for 
Cairo shortly before French authorities were to arrest him. Ben Yahia was a member 
of the CNRA (q.v.) in 1956 and represented this group in Djakarta. He served under 
Ahmed Francis (q.v.), the finance minister of the GPRA (q.v.), then as the director of 
the cabinet under President Ferhat Abbas (q.v.). Diplomatically, he was present at the 
Melun (q.v.) discussions and the Evian (q.v.) negotiations. Ben Yahia also served on 
Ben Youssef Ben Khedda's (q.v.) staff during the third GPRA. He co-wrote the Tripoli 
Program (June 1962) (q.v.). 

Ben Yahia was named his country's ambassador to Moscow in 1963 and then was 
assigned to London in 1965. President Houari Boumedienne (q.v.) tabbed Ben Yahia 
as minister of information in 1966. He later headed the Ministries of Higher Education 
and Scientific Research and Finance (1977-1979). He replaced Abdelaziz Bouteflika 
(q.v.) as foreign minister in January 1979. In September and October 1980 he 
concluded important agreements with France concerning emigrant labor and social 
security. In February 1982 he completed a significant liquefied natural gas accord 
(LNG) with France (q.v. Hydrocarbons). This led to a remarkable period of privileged 
relations with the 

Page 117 

ex-metropole known as "codevelopment." Ben Yahia died in an air crash in May while 
trying to negotiate a settlement to the Iran-Iraq War. 

BERBERIST CRISIS (1949-1950). 

This MTLD (q.v.) crisis was a consequence of Messali Hadj's (q.v.) emphasis on 
Arabism, which alienated Berber (q.v.) members. In addition, the Berbers (q.v.) 
resented the growing "personality cult" surrounding the great nationalist. The Berberist 
crisis did not provoke a mass desertion of the Berbers, but it did contribute to Arab- 
Berber tensions. In addition, Hocine Alt Ahmed (q.v.) was replaced as the leader of 
the OS (q.v.), a Messalist associated organization. 


Although the Berbers (q.v. Kabyles) describe themselves as Imazighen (sing. 
Amazigh ), meaning the noble or free born, it was the Latin name "Berber" that has 
been used to refer to them. The word is derived from the Latin barbari , for peoples 
who spoke neither Latin nor Greek. The early Greek writers used "Libyan" as a 
generic name to refer to the indigenous population of the Maghrib. By the third 
century B.C., the Greeks had come to use the term "Libyan" to refer specifically to the 
non-Phoenicians living within the Carthaginian state, while speaking of other Berbers 
as the Numidians, the "Nomads," a name that reflected the fact that most of them were 
pastoralists. The Arabs also adopted this name and derived from it an adjective 
barbariyya , which means primitive and foreign. The Berbers are historically renowned 
for their love of independence. In times of crisis, they often formed confederations. 

Their ethnic origins remain a mystery, though the prehistoric indigenous population 
was probably infused with migrations from northeast and southeast Africa and 
probably from the sub-Sahara and Western Europe. Berbers divided over kinship, not 
language. Linguistically, dialects (possibly derived from a Hamitic past) are difficult as 
a consequence 

Page 118 

of a lack of a universal alphabet and no common literature (though there is a strong 
oral tradition [q.v.]). Furthermore, over the centuries there have been ethno-cultural 
symbioses with the conquerors (e.g., Carthaginian, Roman, Arab, and French). Major 
Berber areas are in Kabylia, the Aures (q.v.), the M'zab (q.v.), and the southern 

King Masinissa (q.v.) of the Massylis (q.v.) established the first renowned Berber state, 
Numidia (q.v.). After his death, Numidia became associated as a Roman client. After 
Jugurtha's (q.v.) failure to assert Massyli independence, Numidia became a Roman 
protectorate until it was incorporated into the Empire's provincial system. 

Though Roman rule and colonists brought a great degree of prosperity and stability to 
the region, the Berbers were often forced into the hinterland. They mounted numerous 
rebellions, even including those who had assimilated Roman culture such as 
Tacfarinas (A.D. 17 to 29). The arrival of Christianity produced more dissension and 
dispute given the popularity of Donatism (q.v.). One Berber who especially 
distinguished himself during this religious controversy was the Bishop of Hippo 
(Annaba [q.v.]), Augustine (q.v.). Concurrently, revolts led by Firmus (372-375) and 
Gildon (398) further weakened Roman control, which expedited their displacement by 
the Vandals (q.v.). 

The Vandals never controlled the area as successfully as the Romans had, as many 
Berber regions asserted their independence. Nevertheless, the Vandals recognized the 
fighting abilities of the Berbers and recruited them. The Byzantines (q.v.) also admired 
the military prowess of the Berbers, but like the Vandals, they found it impossible to 
extend their administration over all Berber territory. 

The Berbers under Kusayla (q.v.) and al-Kahina (q.v.) mounted formidable resistance 
against the Arabs' expansion in North Africa. The Arabs, like their predecessors, 
realized it would be more strategic to enlist Berbers in their armies rather than to 
encounter them as enemies on the battlefield. 

Page 119 

As Berbers converted to Islam, they also provided the military means to conquer the 
Maghrib and Andalusia (Spain). As with the experience with Christianity, the Berbers 
pursued their independence and heterodoxy, subscribing to different Islamic doctrines 
(Kharijism [q.v.], Ibadism [q.v.], Shi'ism [q.v.]). This led to political movements and 
states (e.g., Khariji/Ibadi resistance to the Fatimids [q.v.]; the Shi'i Kutama [q.v.]; and 
the Ibadi Rustumid [q.v.] dynasty). 

Berbers developed dynamic dynasties such as the Zirids (q.v.) and Hammadids (q.v.). 
The most famous Maghribi Berber dynasties were the Almoravids (q.v.) and the 
Almohads (q.v.), who distinguished themselves by their military and cultural 
achievements. They were able to unite Maghribi Berbers, if for relatively short 
periods. After the decline of the Almohads, smaller Berber dynasties established 
themselves, such as the Abd al-Wadids (q.v.) in Tlemcen. 

The Turks, like other conquerors, had trouble controlling the Berber population. 
Berbers living in the Aures (q.v. Chaoui) asserted their independence from Turkish 
rule as well as sections of Kabylia. With difficulty the French managed to subdue 
these regions during the 1850s, though revolt, especially in 1871 (q.v. Revolt of 1871), 
and brigandage remained constant concerns. Among the Saharan Berbers (Tuareg 
[q.v.]), the French governed eventually (late nineteenth to early twentieth century) 
through the military. 

During the War of Independence, Berbers played leading roles (e.g., Belkacem Krim 
[q.v.]; Ramdane Abane [q.v.]; Ben Youssef Ben Khedda [q.v.]; Hocine Ait Ahmed 
[q.v.]; Mohammed Ben Yahia [q.v.]; Col. Amirouche [q.v.]). Kabylia and the Aures 
were especially insurrectionary. Traditional Berber- Arab rivalries (q.v. Berberist 
Crisis) threatened the liberation movement and contributed to the brief but violent 
power struggle after independence. 

Berbers have remained extremely sensitive to threats to their culture. The Cultural 
Revolution's (q.v.) emphasis on 

Page 120 

Arabization (q.v.) has been particularly resisted as disclosed by riots in 1980. There 
have been other incidents. In October 1985 demonstrators and police confronted each 
other in Tizi Ouzou as Kabyles demanded the release of Berber activists, including the 
singer Lounis Ait Menguellet. The Berbers were also restive during the October 1988 
riots (q.v.). Berbers have been particularly vocal as a result of the December 1990 
Arabization law. 

Since the constitutional reforms of 1989, there have been several active Berber 
opposition parties; among them are the Rassemblement pour la Culture et la 
Democratisation (RCD); Mouvement Culturel Berbere (MCB); and particularly Ait 
Ahmed's Front des Forces Socialistes (FFS). These Berber parties share many 
objectives, but in April 1990 the RCD and the MCB had a violent confrontation. 

Berbers have played significant official roles in independent Algeria (e.g., Belaid 
Abdesselem [q.v.]; Ben Yahia; Kasdi Merbah [q.v.]; Nordine Ait Laoussine [q.v. 
Hydrocarbons]). The Berbers make up approximately 20 percent of the present 
population of Algeria (17 percent in 1987). 

BERTRAND, LOUIS (1866-1941). 

Writer. Bertrand was very influential as a stylist of the Mouvement algerianiste, which 
viewed French colonization as inheriting the legacy of Roman Africa. He taught at the 
Lycee of Algiers after arriving in Algeria in 1891. Among his most famous works are 
Le Sang des races (1899), Pepete le bien-aime (1901), La Cina (1901), and Les Villes 
dor (1921). 

BESSAIH, BOUALEM (b. 1930). 

Diplomat and minister. Bessaih served in the ALN during the War of Liberation and 
was a member of the CNRA. After independence he was ambassador with service in 
Belgium, Luxemburg, the Netherlands, Egypt, and Kuwait (1963-1971). He was a 
representative to the Arab League from 1971 to 1974. He returned to Kuwait as 
ambassador in 1979 and then became 

Page 121 

secretary-general of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in 1980. Bessaih attained the rank 
of minister, being appointed to hold the portfolios of Information and Culture (1981), 
Postal and Telecommunications (1984), and Foreign Affairs (1988). Bessaih is 
respected as a negotiator and has been sent to Beirut in order to help resolve Shi'i- 
Palestinian differences. 

BEURS (q.v. Emigrant Labor). 


An oasis and city in the northern Sahara. The present city is built on the site of the 
Roman town of Vescera. It was given its current name by the Aghlabids (q.v.), who 
conquered it in the eleventh century. The city was contested among the Abd al-Wadids 
(q.v.), the (Tunisian) Hafsids, and the (Moroccan) Marinids. Under the Hafsids, it was 
essentially an autonomous city, prospering from the caravan trade between the Sahara 
and the Tell. The Turks ruled the city indirectly through the head of the Beni Oukhaz 
family. It continued to prosper, though rivalries between the Beni Oukhaz and the Ben 
Gana families produced instability. 

In the nineteenth century the Amir Abd al-Qadir (q.v.) took over the city, forcing the 
former Bey Ahmad (Ahmed [q.v.]) to flee. The French supported the Ben Gana, and 
the due dAumale (one of Louis-Philippe's sons) occupied it in 1844. Bu Zian's (q.v.) 
revolt against the French in the Biskra area in 1849 was also suppressed. 

After independence, Biskra was the center of Colonel Mohamed Chaabani's revolt 
against President Ahmed Ben Bella. The population of the city was estimated to be 
108,320 in 1983. 

BITAT, RABAH(b. 1926?). 

"Historic leader" (q.v.); president of the APN. Bitat, like many other young 
nationalists, was attracted to Messali Hadj's (q.v.) nationalist message. He became 
active in the PPA (q.v.) before being drafted into the 

Page 122 

French Army in 1939. Bitat was appalled by the horrible Setif (q.v.) repression of 
1945. He joined the MTLD (q.v.) in 1948 and then the OS (q.v.). He attracted enough 
official colonial attention by 1950 to have earned condemnation in absentia to five 
years exile from Algeria. Nevertheless he never left his native land, preferring to go 
underground to work for national liberation. He was a founder of the CRUA (q.v.) 
and the FLN (q.v.), thus earning the appellation of "historic leader." 

Bitat commanded revolutionary forces within Algeria itself, first in northern 
Constantine province, then around and in Algiers. He was captured by the French 
police in 1955 and spent the rest of the war in prison. Bitat was named an honorary 
member (minister of state) of the GPRA (19581962) (q.v.). He became a member (vice 
president) of the Political Bureau (q.v.) in 1962, but two years later he joined a group 
in Paris opposed to Ahmed Ben Bella. During Houari Boumedienne's (q.v.) 
presidency, he served as minister of transportation (1965-1977) and after the 
implementation of the new Constitution of 1976 (q.v.), he presided over the 
Assemblee Populaire Nationale (APN). 

When Boumedienne died in 1978, Bitat served briefly as interim head of state until the 
election of Chadli Benjedid (q.v.). In 1990 Bitat resigned as president of the APN 
(replaced by Abdelaziz Belkhadem) in protest over the rapid reforms and the decline 
of the economy (especially the Dinar Algerien [DA]). He became associated with 
disaffected FLN party members Mohammed Salah Yahiaoui (q.v.), Cherif Messadia 
(q.v.), Ahmed Taleb Ibrahimi (q.v.), Abdelaziz Bouteflika (q.v.), and Boualem 
Benhamouda (q.v.). 

Bitat's wife is Zohra Drif (q.v.), a heroine of the Battle of Algiers (q.v.). 

BITCHNIN, ALI (fl. seventeenth century). 

Successful ra'is during the flourishing period of the Regency (q.v.). Bitchnin was an 
Italian pirate who converted to Islam. His exploits during the 

Page 123 

Regency gave him great wealth (two palaces in Algiers) and his own private army He 
refused to send an Algerian naval contingent to the Sultan in Istanbul unless he was 
paid a subsidy in advance. This insubordination prompted the Sultan to send an 
emissary to Algiers with orders to have Bitchnin executed. The rais's followers forced 
the emissary and the pasha to seek haven in a mosque. Nevertheless, Bitchnin was 
forced to flee when the Janissaries asked him to provide their salaries. Eventually, he 
was pardoned and later possibly poisoned. 


Effort by the Popular Front Government of French Socialist Premier Leon Blum (with 
the particular assistance of Minister of State [and former Governor-General] Maurice 
Viollette and historian, Charles-Andre Julien [q.v.]) to satisfy the aspirations of 
Algerian moderates. Presented in 1936, the legislation proposed that a certain number 
of educated Algerian Muslims (10,000 to 20,000) be allowed to become French 
citizens without surrendering their Muslim personal status in matters such as marriage, 
divorce, and inheritance. Due to strident European settler opposition, the legislation 
was never brought to the floor of the Chamber of Deputies. The Senate defeated it in 
1938. This led to disillusionment among many Algerian moderates (q.v. Ferhat Abbas; 
Mohammed Saleh Bendjelloul). Many historians view the failure to pass the Blum- 
Viollette legislation as a "lost opportunity." 

BONE (q.v. Annaba). 

BORDER WAR ("War of the Sands"); (q.v. Morocco). 

Conflict between Algeria and Morocco lasting several weeks (October to November 
1963). This war was a consequence of colonialism, decolonization, and the national 
ambitions of both states. It has been called Africa's first postcolonial 

Page 124 

conflict, but it was rooted in the border demarcated by competing Moroccan and 
Algerian colonial bureaucracies. 

Before the end of Algeria's War of Independence, Moroccan and Algerian leaders 
began serious discussions concerning their shared border. On July 6, 1961, Ferhat 
Abbas (q.v.) concluded an agreement with Rabat that stated that the contested frontier 
would be addressed immediately after Algeria gained its independence. From the 
FLN's (q.v.) perspective, this agreement ensured that there would be no separate 
agreement between Paris and Rabat concerning frontiers. In addition, it underscored 
Morocco's support for Algeria's colonial territorial integrity. (Concurrently, President 
Charles de Gaulle [q.v.] had threatened to partition the Sahara [q.v. Introduction]). 

When Algeria achieved its formal independence in July 1962, Moroccan Forces 
Armees Royales (FAR) advanced into Algerian territory anticipating the 
implementation of the July agreement. After Ahmed Ben Bella (q.v.) came to power, 
King Hassan II kept the pressure on him, though FAR units withdrew across the 
border (with violence at Tindouf in October 1962). Compounding this issue was the 
ideological differences between Algeria's republican, revolutionary socialist state and 
Morocco's monarchy. Hassan's visit to Algiers in March 1963 did not settle the issue. 
Border incidents occurred during the summer. 

When Algiers faced the Kabyle insurrection in October 1963 (q.v. Hocine Ait Ahmed; 
Kabyles), Hassan poised the FAR on the border. Conflicting reports claimed that on 
October 1, Moroccan or Algerian troops violated the other's frontier initiating fighting. 
There were three main areas of fighting: (1) 500 km southwest of (Colomb-)Bechar at 
Hassi Beida and Tindjoub; (2) the Tindouf region; and (3) in Moroccan territory at 
Ich-Figuig. Given the national crisis, Kabyles chose national over ethnic interests (q.v. 
Mohand ou el-Hadj), which effectively reduced the internal danger to Ben Bella's 
government. Mediation by President Modibo 

Page 125 

Keita of Mali and especially Emperor Haile Selassie of Ethiopia produced a summit at 
Bamako, Mali, on October 30, where Ben Bella and King Hassan agreed to a cease- 
fire. Fighting finally broke off several days later. According to the Paris daily, Le 
Monde , the ANP lost 60 dead with 250 wounded. In general, this "war of the sands" 
showed that Morocco had a superior military force than Algeria's. This led to Algeria's 
buildup of its military, which was achieved primarily with the assistance of the Soviet 

The OAU was charged with settling the issue. It managed to circumscribe a 
demilitarized zone, which was accepted by both sides in February 1964. By this time 
Ben Bella had repudiated the Abbas agreement and subscribed to the OAU principle 
of July 1964 respecting colonial borders and territorial integrity. 

Relations warmed between Algeria and Morocco in the late 1960s and early 1970s, 
culminating in the conventions of 1972, which demarcated a border and called for 
economic collaboration concerning the mineral riches in the contested area. Algeria 
ratified the agreements but Morocco did not. The border issue reemerged during the 
decolonization of the Spanish Sahara (q.v. Western Sahara). With the establishment of 
the AMU (q.v. Maghrib Unity) in February 1989, Morocco finally ratified the 1972 


Most reknown harki (q.v.) leader. Boualam was born in Souk-Ahras and was an 
officer in the French Army. He was elected to the French National Assembly in 1958 
(deputy from Orleansville/El Asnam/Ech-Chlef[q.v.]). The Bachaga also organized 
effective anti-AFN units and was a fervent proponent of the mobilization of loyal 
Algerian units (harkis ) to be deployed against the AFN. 

Boualam managed to escape with several hundred of his harkis , which saved these 
French loyalists from certain persecution and probable death. He settled in Fe Mas 

Page 126 

Thibert. He campaigned tirelessly for France to recognize the harkis and to provide 
adequate services (especially housing and education) for them. Elevated within the 
Legion of Honor, he used his personal prestige to remind the ex-metropolitan power 
how French Muslims continued to be casualties of Algerian decolonization because of 
discrimination and non-integration. He headed the Front National des Rapatries de 
Confession Musulmane.He wrote three books concerning the harkis\ Mon pays , la 
France (1962); Les Harkis au service de la France (1963); and L'Algerie sans la 
France (1964). Boualam's family has continued his efforts on behalf of the harkis. 

BOU BAGHLA (q.v. Bu Baghla). 

BOUBNIDER, SALAH (Saout-el-Arab) (b. 1925). 

Officer. Born in Oued Zenati near Constantine, Boubnider was a member of the PPA- 
MTLD and favored armed action against French colonialism. He joined the FLN and 
led a commando group on October 31 to November 1, 1954, the opening night of 
hostilities. He rose within the ALN to the post of military assistant to the commander 
of Wilaya II in late 1959 and was promoted to the rank of colonel in early 1962. He 
opposed Ahmed Ben Bella (q.v.) and was arrested in July 1962. He reconciled with 
Ben Bella soon afterward (August) and part of his power was restored (directing 
public and administrative affairs of Wilaya II). He became a founding member of the 
opposition PRS and subsequently was arrested and released again. 

Returning again to favor (member of FLN's [q.v.] Central Committee), Boubnider 
worked hard to establish a special relationship between the Syrian Baath party and the 
FLN. He supported Houari Boumedienne's (q.v.) coup of June 1965 (q.v.) and became 
a member of the Council of the Revolution (q.v.) He shared with Cherif Belkacem 
(q.v.) and Mohand Ou El Hadj (q.v.) leadership within the FLN until 1967. 

Page 127 

BOUDA, AHMED (b. 1907). 

Nationalist. Bouda was a member of the ENA (q.v.) and the PPA (q.v.). He was also a 
delegate in the Algerian Assembly (q.v.) in 1948. He eventually broke with the MTLD 
(q.v.) and Messali Hadj (q.v.). French authorities arrested him in November 1954, but 
released him in April 1955. Bouda left Algeria and became the FLN's representative in 
Libya. He tried to mediate between the GPRA (q.v.) and Ben Bella's Political Bureau 
(q.v.) during the summer of 1962. After this initiative failed, he gave up politics to 
become a teacher in Algiers. 

BOUDIAF, MOHAMED (1919-92). 

"Historic leader" (q.v.); first President of the High Council of State (HSC) (q.v.). 
Boudiaf was born in MSila. He was drafted into the French Army in 1943 where he 
tried to organize nationalist cells among Algerian soldiers. In 1947, he created a 
branch of the OS (q.v.) in the department of Constantine. Boudiaf escaped French 
authorities and went underground while being held in contempt of court. In 1953- 
1954, he was a party organizer for the MTLD (q.v.) in France. 

Reacting to the recent split in that organization, Boudiaf played a very significant role 
in organizing the CRUA(q.v.) in Spring-Summer 1954 earning his membership 
among the "historic leaders" of the Algerian Revolution. In late October 1954, he was 
the key liaison officer between the internal and the external members of the CRUA. 

Boudiaf served with the "external" FLN during the war and was captured on 22 
October 1956 along with Ahmed Ben Bella (q.v.), Hocine Ait Ahmed (q.v.), 
Mohammed Khider (q.v), and Professor Mostefa Lacheraf (q.v. Arabization) in the 
infamous skyjacking of a Moroccan Air- Atlas airplane. He spent the rest of the war in 

After independence, Boudiaf emerged as an opposition leader to Ben Bella. He refused 
membership to the Political Bureau (q.v.) and he viewed the electoral process (i.e., 
selection of candidates) of the National Constituent Assem- 

Page 128 

bly as illegitimate. He responded by founding the opposition Parti de la Revolution 
Socialiste (PRS). In June 1963 he was kidnapped in Algiers and condemned to death. 
He was eventually forced into exile in France and Morocco. He remained in exile and 
in opposition after Houari Boumedienne's June 1965 military coup. Nevertheless, he 
kept a critical watch on Algerian political developments. In July 1989, after the 
October 1988 riots (q.v.), Boudiaf called for a national political organization in 
opposition to the FLN. 

The forced resignation of President Chadli Benjedid by the High Security (then State) 
Council in January 1992 suddenly brought Boudiaf back into political prominence. He 
accepted the post of President of the HCS. At first, it was believed that he would serve 
symbolically, as a needed historic figure to bolster the HSC's legitimacy. Boudiaf, 
always an individualist, proved, however, that he would be an activist president. He 
tirelessly called upon the "silent majority" to promote national unity and consensus. 

He tried, for example, to mobilize a political party, the Rassemblement National 
Patriotique (National Patriotic Rally). Under his presidency the Conseil Consultatif 
National (CCN) (q.v.) was inaugurated in April 1992. It was viewed as an advisory 
rather than a legislative body. In June 1992, Boudiaf was assassinated in Annaba while 
delivering a speech. An inquiry investigating this tragedy was inconclusive, generating 
rumors concerning accountability of this murderous act from Islamists to the HCS 
government itself. 

Boudiaf was one of the few "historic leaders" who published books. In Ou va 
I'Algerie? he explains some of his theoretical disagreements with Ben Bella. He also 
wrote La Preparation du 1 er novembre (1976) including La Lettre aux Algeriens. 


Novelist. Boudjedra was born in Ai'n-Beida and went to school in Tunis. He joined the 
ALN at seventeen and was wounded. Boudjedra then served 

Page 129 

as an FLN representative in Spain. After the war he completed a philosophy degree at 
the Sorbonne in 1965. He taught at a lycee for women at Blida and then returned to 
France from 1969 to 1972. He then went to Morocco and taught there until 1975 
before returning to Algeria. 

In 1977 Boudjedra was an adviser to the Ministry of Information and Culture and, 
beginning in 1981, a consultant for the national publishing press, the Societe 
Nationale dEdition et de Diffusion (SNED). He also taught at the Institut des Sciences 
Politiques in Algiers. 

Boudjedra's fame rests particularly on his literary talent. Two critically acclaimed 
novels slyq La Repudiation (1969) and E Insolation (1972). These books include 
psychologically wracked carnal characters. Boudjedra examined male and female roles 
in traditional Algerian society. Implicitly, he questioned the effect of the revolution on 
Algerian society. Among his other works are Topographie ideale pour une agression 
caracterisee (1975); LEs cargo t entete (\911)\Les 1001 annees de la nostalgie 
(1979); and Le Vainqueur de coupe (1981). In 1982 Boudjedra declared that he would 
no longer write in French. He translated his novel written in Arabic, Ettafakouk 
(1982), as Le Demantelement (1982). Boudjedra is among a remarkable group of 
Algerian writers who share themes, such as the conflict between Algeria's traditional 
and revolutionary cultures. 

BOUDJENANE, AHMED (1929-1968). 

Officer. Boudjenane was born in Ouled Ali near Tlemcen (q.v.). Boudjenane was an 
activist in the MTLD (q.v.) who had gone into Moroccan exile as early as 1948. While 
in Morocco, he studied at the University of al-Quarawiyin (Karaouiyyin) in Fez. He 
joined the ALN's (q.v.) Wilaya V, rising to the rank of captain in command of the 
Wilayds zone II. In 1961 he was demoted to lieutenant for refusing to cross border 
fortifications. In the civil war that took place during the summer of 1962, he sided 
with the Tlemcen group (Ahmed Ben Bella [q.v.]-Boumedienne 

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[q.v.]). He was appointed head of the Second Military Region and was active in the 
Oran Federation of the FLN. In the spring of 1964, Boudjenane became director of the 
Military Academy at Cherchell and was named to the General Staff. He died in an 
automobile crash in January 1968. 

BOUHALI, LARBI (b. 1912). 

PCA (q.v. Algerian Communist Party) leader. As a leading Algerian communist 
(Central Committee member), he was incarcerated in 1943. He refused to support the 
AML (q.v.). From 1947 to 1962 he was secretary-general of the PCA and served in its 
foreign delegation during the War of Independence. 


Revolutionary heroine. Bouhired was one of Saadi Yacefs (q.v.) young women agents 
during the "Battle of Algiers" (q.v.). At the age of twenty-two, she was wounded, 
arrested, tortured, and charged with the bombings of the "Milk Bar" and the "Brasserie 
Coq Hardi." Her trial attracted worldwide attention as she became a symbol of 
Algeria's struggle for liberation from colonialism. She was finally imprisoned in 
Rheims, where she remained until the end of the war. Bouhired's prestige played a key 
role in the defeat of the Family Code of 1981. She has been an advocate for women's 
rights in Algeria (q.v. Women). 


Militant Islamist. Bouiali was a former ALN (q.v.) fighter who opposed the Chadli 
Benjedid (q.v.) government. In August 1985, militant Islamists raided a police 
barracks, implicating Bouiali. On January 3, 1987, Bouiali and six of his supporters 
were killed by police in a gun battle in Larba, south of Algiers. Bouiali's operations 
portended the violence that particularly has plagued Algeria since the cancellation of 
national elections (q.v. Elections of December 1991) by the High Council of State 
(HCS) (q.v.). 

Page 131 


Nationalist. The son of a well-to-do landowner and bureaucrat, Boukadoum was sent 
to France for his higher education. He apparently joined Messali Hadj's (q.v.) ENA 
(q.v.) in 1934, while still a university student. He later joined the PPA (q.v.) and then 
the AML (q.v.). Boukadoum was elected in 1946 to the French National Assembly as a 
MTLD (q.v.) deputy. He assisted in the formation of the OS (q.v.) and tried to 
convince Tunisian nationalists to pursue an armed revolt against French colonialism. 

Boukadoum was the GPRA's (q.v.) ambassador to Belgrade (1960-1962) after serving 
as Foreign Minister Debaghine's (q.v.) cabinet director (1958-1959). After 
independence he was a deputy in Algeria's National Constituent Assembly. He refused 
the position of ambassador to Dakar (Senegal) and took instead a position with 
SONATRACH (q.v. Hydrocarbons) at Skikda. 

BOUKHAROUBA, MOHAMMED (q.v. Houari Boumedienne). 


Nationalist. Boulahrouf was born to a very poor family and became politicized at an 
early age, selling the PPA's (q.v.) newspaper, El-Ouma . During World War II he 
continued to work for the PPA and then with the AML (q.v.). He was one of the 
organizers and participants of the May 1945 demonstrations that had such tragic 
consequences (q.v. Setif). He was jailed several times, especially for his OS (q.v.) 
activities (organized a hunger strike in prison). 

Boulahrouf opposed Messali Hadj's (q.v.) moderate course and collaborated with 
Mostefa Ben Boulai'd (q.v.) and Didouche Mourad (q.v.) in preparing for the 
revolution. During the War of Independence, he attempted in vain to obtain PCF 
( Parti Communiste Frangais ; French Communist Party) support for the FLN. 
Boulahrouf led a clandestine life while being sought by French police and, more 

Page 132 

dangerously, the "Red Hand," a vengeful colonialist terrorist group. He eluded several 
of the latter's assaults. In 1961 he was involved in secret communications with French 
officials (including Georges Pompidou), which led to the formal negotiation at Evian 
(q.v. Evian Accords). 

After independence, he distinguished himself as an ambassador serving in Rome, 
Belgrade, Lima, Bucharest, Buenos Aires, La Paz, and Lisbon. 


Athlete. Boulmerka became the 1991 world 1,500 meter champion with the winning 
time of 4:02.21. Then during the Barcelona Olympics, the twenty- four-year- old 
champion easily defeated the field with a time of 3:55.30. In one of the most dramatic 
moments of the Olympiad, Boulmerka pointed to her green jersey, reaffirming her 
pride in her country and urging the world audience to recognize it. Her training and 
fame as a woman athlete has drawn Islamist protest, even to the point of a 
denunciation (kafr ). Boulmerka viewed her victory as one for Arab and especially 
Algerian women. Boulmerka and her track compatriot, Noureddine Morceli (q.v.), 
have focused more attention on Algeria. Indeed, Morceli's victory as the 1,500 meter 
winner during the 1991 World Championships, made history. In no other time has a 
country had both world champions in the same event. Both athletes received the 
Medal of Merit from President Chadli Benjedid (q.v.). 

BOU MAZA (q.v. Bu Maza). 

BOUMAZA, BACHIR (b. 1927). 

Minister. Boumaza was originally from the region north of Setif. While working in 
France, he became a member of the MTLD (q.v.) and eventually became secretary to 
Messali Hadj (q.v.). He joined the FLN (q.v.) and served in France until his arrest in 
December 1958. Boumaza was tortured as disclosed in the controversial book La 
Gangrene (1959). During the civil war 

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of the summer of 1962, he sided with Ahmed Ben Bella (q.v.) and Houari 
Boumedienne (q.v.) (the Tlemcen group/ Political Bureau [q.v.]). In September of that 
year, he was appointed minister for labor and social affairs in Ben Bella's first 
government. A year later, in Ben Bella's second government, Boumaza became 
minister of national economy (including finance, commerce, and industry). He was 
kept in the third government (December 1964) as minister for industry and energy. 

Though initially supporting Colonel Boumedienne's coup of June 1965 (q.v.), which 
was symbolized by Boumaza's membership on the Council of the Revolution (q.v.) 
and his new position as minister of information, he became disillusioned in 1966 and 
fled the country. He became a member of the opposition OCRA in 1966. As a result of 
President Chadli Benjedid's (q.v.) efforts to reconcile FLN factions, he was invited 
back to Algeria. Boumaza returned in 1980 and became a member of the Central 
Committee of the FLN in 1989. He publicly supported Saddam Hussein in the Gulf 
War of 1991 and has actively been involved in trying to have the suppression of the 
Setif uprising (q.v.) of 1945 recognized internationally as a "crime against humanity." 

Boukharouba) (1925-1978). 

Head of the ALN/ ANP; second President of Algeria. "Boumedienne" was 
Boukharouba's nom de guerre and the name of a renowned teacher in the Tlemcen 
region (q.v. Literature in Arabic). Boumedienne was a fervent nationalist and socialist. 
Fluent in both Arabic (he studied at al-Azhar in Egypt) and French, Boumedienne was 
forceful, authoritarian, and ambitious. Above all, he was dedicated toward projecting 
a sovereign, liberated Algeria as an exemplar for the Third World. 

Boumedienne was from Guelma and joined the FLN (q.v.) in 1955. He led Wilaya V 
in 1957 and by the end of the War of Independence, was Chief of Staff of the ALN 
and in 

Page 134 

charge of the (external) Algerian armies in Tunisia and Morocco. At independence, he 
joined forces with Ahmed Ben Bella (q.v.), led his troops into several pitched battles 
with freedom fighters who had spent the war years within Algeria (i.e. the intraelite 
internal- external conflict [q.v. Introduction]), and then gained power for the group of 
political and military elites who were led by Ben Bella (i.e. Tlemcen Group/Political 
Bureau [q.v.]). A member of Ben Bella's various governments (Vice President, 
Minister of Defense), he eventually plotted and executed a bloodless military coup 
(June 1965) (q.v.). 

Weak at first because he lacked popular support (as disclosed by student protests), 
President Boumedienne instituted a collegial system of government (Council of the 
Revolution [q.v.]). When the military coup led by Col. Tahar Zbiri (q.v.) against his 
own leadership failed in December 1967, he seized his chance to assert complete 
control over Algeria. (Boumedienne also escaped an attempt against his life in 1968.) 
By 1970 he had secured himself in power. 

Attracted by revolutionary socialism and inspired by the theoretical possibility of an 
economically autarkic nation, Boumedienne insisted on four-year plans and 
governmental control of all significant industrial and agricultural enterprises (q.v. 

State Plans). He also sought foreign investments though they were subject to strict 
regulations. Boumedienne's state-building system developed into an elaborate "state 
capitalism" spearheaded by national enterprises such as the hydrocarbons sector's 
SONATRACH (q.v.). Pursuing his corresponding objective to eliminate 
neocolonialism in his country, Boumedienne methodically nationalized banks, mines, 
and symbolically French hydrocarbon concessions (February 1971) (q.v. 
Hydrocarbons). He also initiated an Agrarian Revolution (q.v.) in 1971 and a Cultural 
Revolution (q.v.). 

Under Boumedienne, Algeria attained great prestige in 1971 with its bold 
nationalization of French hydrocarbon 

Page 135 

concessions and also when it championed the United Nations' special session on the 
need to redistribute world resources equitably in 1974. Beginning the following year, 
however, a series of events occurred that distressed Boumedienne personally besides 

In April 1975, President Boumedienne hosted the visit of French President Valery 
Giscard d'Estaing. For Boumedienne the summit represented a "turned page" in the 
controversial and highly charged bilateral history Boumedienne anticipated a much 
improved relationship with France, but this did not occur. Indeed, Giscard found 
political and personal compatibility with King Hassan II of Morocco. Hassan's own 
political ambitions was the second setback for Boumedienne in 1975. The Moroccan 
king was able to pressure Spain (e.g., "the Green March") to conclude the Tripartite 
(Madrid) Accords of November 1975, which handed over the Spanish Sahara to 
Morocco and Mauritania (q.v. Western Sahara). This caught Boumedienne's 
government by surprise since relations with Morocco had improved significantly since 
the Border War (q.v. Border War; Morocco). Algeria subsequently provided massive 
support to the Sahrawi liberation movement (q.v. POLISARIO). 

In 1976 Boumedienne institutionalized his regime with a National Charter (q.v.), 
which defined and outlined the goals and aspirations of the country, and a new 
constitution (q.v. Constitution of 1976). The Constitution particularly expedited the 
smooth transition in the presidency after Boumedienne died of a rare blood disease in 
December 1978. 

Boumedienne's efforts to construct a socialist Algeria resulted in dramatic 
achievements in the second sector. Nevertheless, his successor, Chadli Benjedid (q.v.) 
contended that economic development should have more sectoral balance. His 
liberalization and decentralization policies as well as the reforms after the October 
1988 riots (q.v.) deconstructed Boumedienne's institutions. The emergence in July 
1992 of Belaid Abdesselam (q.v.) as prime 

Page 136 

minister, who was formerly Boumedienne's chief industrial technocrat, as well as his 
subsequent statements harkened back to the earlier state-building era. 

Ten years after his death, the Prix national Houari Boumedienne was inaugurated to 
award research and writing in the "national" (Arabic) language. 

BOUMENDJEL, AHMAD (1906-1982). 

Minister. Boumendjel was born in Ben-Yenni. He was a teacher and then a lawyer who 
became a nationalist. He joined the ENA (q.v.) and then its successor organization the 
PPA (q.v.). He was Messali Hadj's (q.v.) lawyer from 1939 to 1940. Boumendjel also 
served as a Municipal Councilor in 1938. 

His politics moderated in the 1940s as he coedited Ferhat Abbas's (q.v.) Manifesto 
(q.v.) and collaborated with him in the founding of the UDMA (q.v.). He was a 
councilor of the French Union in 1951. In 1955-1956 Boumendjel decided to join the 
FLN (q.v.). (Ali Boumendjel was Ahmad's brother, who was also a highly respected 
lawyer and a valuable member of the FLN. His death during the war [falling out of a 
window] was very controversial and had a significant effect upon the legal 
community in France.) 

Boumendjel prominently participated at the Melun (q.v.) (June 1960) and Evian (q.v.) 
(May 1961) negotiations for the GPRA(q.v.); he was also involved in secret 
communications. After the war he served as minister of reconstruction and public 
works (1962-1963) and minister of reconstruction (1963-1964). In 1964, he was eased 
out of office in Ben Bella's attempt to gain uncontested power. 

BOU MEZRAG (q.v. Bu Mezrag). 


Revolutionary heroine. Boupacha was an urban guerrilla for the ALN. She was 
arrested in February 1960 for throwing a bomb into a cafe. Her subsequent torture 
received great publicity as a result of a book by the renowned 

Page 137 

existentialist and companion of Jean-Paul Sartre, Simone de Beauvoir. Boupacha 
became a heroine for French opponents of the war. Besides de Beauvoir, other 
founders of a "Djamila Boupacha Committee" were Germaine Tillion (the renowned 
social anthropologist) and Frangois Mauriac. Boupacha married Battle of Algiers [q.v.] 
ALN leader, Yacef Saadi (q.v.). 


Writer. Bourboune was born in Jijel. He studied in Constantine, Tunis, and Paris. 

After the war, he participated in organizing the Union des Ecrivains Algeriens .He 
served as the director of the Cabinet of Bachir Boumaza's (q.v.) Ministry of Work and 
Social Affairs (Ben Bella's [q.v.] first government). He also directed a Cultural 
Committee of the FLN. Bourboune left for France after the Houari Boumedienne 
(q.v.) coup of June 1965 (q.v.). He returned to Algeria several years later only to 
return again to Paris. 

Bourboune wrote Le Mont des genets (1962) describing the transformation of Algeria 
as a result of the revolution. His most famous work is Le Muezzin (1968), whose hero 
is presented as a religious and revolutionary apostate. His writings question the 
genuine effect of Algeria's social changes as a result of the revolution. 


French officer. Bourmont was at first a loyal royalist officer during the revolution, 
who served in the Vendee. After its pacification by revolutionary forces, he was 
imprisoned and held under suspicion for conspiracy. Bourmont escaped to Portugal, 
but he later offered his services to the French military and served in the logistics 
section. Upon his return to France, he was detained again in Paris, but he was finally 
allowed to serve again. He distinguished himself in the Russian, Saxon, and French 
campaigns during Napoleon's decline and became a division general. Bourmont did 

Page 138 

support Napoleon during the Hundred Days and offered his services to Louis XVIII 
after Waterloo. (He also participated as a witness for the prosecution of Marshal Ney.) 
Bourmont offered his services once again to the Bourbons and participated in the 
expedition to Spain in 1823. He became minister of war in 1829. 

Using contingency plans commissioned by Napoleon, Bourmont invaded Algeria, 
landing at Sidi Fredj (Ferruch) west of Algiers on June 14, 1830. He subsequently 
seized and secured Algiers on July 5. He was promoted to Marshal. Bourmont refused 
to serve the Orleanists after the Revolution of 1830. In 1832 he was linked to another 
Vendee revolt on behalf of the Duchess of Berry and exiled. He returned to France in 
1 840 after a general amnesty. 

BOUSSENA, SADEK(b. 1948?). 

Minister. From 1978 to 1982 Boussena served as director-general of the Ministry of 
Energy then as the secretary-general of this ministry. He was selected in 1988 as 
minister of energy and petrochemical industries in the Kasdi Merbah (q.v.) 
government. In June 1990 Boussena was tabbed to head OPEC. 


ALN colonel. Boussouf was born in Mila. He joined the PPA (q.v.) and became a 
leader in the OS (q.v.). He was among the nationalists (q.v. Committee of Twenty- 
two) at the June 1954 meeting that prepared the revolutionary outbreak of November 
1954. Boussouf began the war as Larbi Ben MHidi's (q.v.) assistant, then became 
colonel in charge of Wilaya V (Oran). He was elected to the CNRA (q.v.) (1956) then 
to the CCE (q.v.) (1957), before becoming minister for general liaison and 
communications (1958) in the GPRA(q.v.). He opposed Ramdane Abane (q.v.) and 
was involved in his death. Boussouf supported Ferhat Abbas (q.v.), then Ben Youssef 
Ben Khedda (q.v.) for the presidency of the GPRA. In 1961 he was in charge of 
supplies and armaments. He retired from 

Page 139 

direct political activity at the time of the FLN crisis and conflict during the summer of 
1962. William Quandt (q.v. Bibliography) placed Boussouf in the late 1960s in 
"semiopposition" to the Houari Boumedienne (q.v.) regime. Boussouf was also 
involved in his shipping business. 


Foreign minister. Bouteflika was born in Oujda, Morocco. Bouteflika received his 
primary education in Oujda before continuing in Tlemcen (q.v.). When the UGEMA 
called a general strike in 1956, he quit school and joined the nationalist underground 
in Wilaya V (Oran). He quickly became the Wilaya's political officer; then he joined 
the general staff of the ALN (q.v.) in 1960. Bouteflika's nom de guerre was Si 
Abdelkader el-Mali. In 1962, he was an intermediary between the general staff led by 
Houari Boumedienne (q.v.) and Ahmed Ben Bella (q.v.), when the latter was still in 
prison. He sided with Ben Bella and Boumedienne in the political and civil strife that 
immediately followed independence. Consequently, he became minister for youth 
sports and tourism in September 1962, then foreign minister in 1963, a position he 
held until 1979. He was also a member of the FLN's Political Bureau (q.v.). 

Ben Bella's attempt to remove Bouteflika as foreign minister contributed to the coup 
of June 1965 (q.v.) by which Boumedienne took control of Algeria. Bouteflika 
distinguished himself in 1970-1971 during negotiations with the French, resulting in 
the nationalization of their hydrocarbon concessions (q.v. Hydrocarbons) and in 1974 
while chairing the United Nations's Special Session on North-South relations. 
Bouteflika's unswerving loyalty was underscored by his delivery of the eulogy at 
President Boumedienne's funeral. The foreign minister was considered a prominent 
candidate to replace Boumedienne and was considered less ideological. After 
President Chadli Benjedid's (q.v.) election, he held the position of a minister without 
portfolio and adviser. 

Page 140 

In July 1981 he was suspended from the FLN's Political Bureau and in December 
from the Central Committee. In May 1983 Bouteflika was charged with corruption and 
embezzlement (60 million dinars=S 12,370,000). (Bouteflika began a self-imposed exile 
in 1982.) He returned in 1987, which was viewed as an FLN (q.v.) effort for intraparty 
reconciliation. Along with other ex-Boumedienne officials (e.g., Belaid Abdesselam 
[q.v.]), Bouteflika began to play a role again with the FLN. As a result of the 1989 
third Extraordinary Congress of the FLN, he became a member of the expanded 
Central Committee. Bouteflika actively campaigned for the FLN in local elections in 
1990. The HCS considered him a candidate for the presidency in January 1994. 


Prime minister. Brahimi was a guerrilla during the War of Independence. As a 
consequence of the Algiers Accord of 1965 (q.v. Hydrocarbons), he served as the 
director of the OCI ( Organisme de Cooperation Industrielle).(HQ is a Docteur en 
Sciences economiques.)Ue also represented SONATRACHin the United States (1976- 
January 1979) before his appointment to the Abdelghani cabinet in 1979 as minister of 
planning and organization of national territory. In January 1984 he became prime 
minister and served until after the October 1988 riots (q.v.). 

BRAHIMI, LAKHDAR (b. 1934). 

Foreign minister. Brahimi received an excellent education in Algeria (University of 
Algiers) and France (Paris, Faculte de Droit; Institut des Sciences Politiques). During 
the War of Independence, he representing the FLN in Southeast Asia. He was 
appointed Secretary-General of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (196163) and then 
became Algeria's Ambassador to Egypt, representing his country, too, at the Arab 
League, then Ambassador to Sudan (1963-70). In 1971, he was selected to 

Page 141 

be Ambassador to the United Kingdom. Brahimi was an adviser in the administration 
of President Chadli Benjedid (q.v.). In June 1991, he was tabbed by Prime Minister 
Sid Ahmed Ghozali (q.v.) as foreign minister. He kept this post until February 1993 
(replaced by Redha Malek [q.v.]). This period was a difficult one given Algeria's 
domestic problems. His chief objective was to gain international confidence, especially 
after the establishment of the Higher Council of State (HCS) (q.v.) in January 1992. 

BU BAGHLA (BOU BAGHLA) ("Mule man") (d. 1854). 

Rahmaniyya sharif of the 1851 uprising in Kabylia against the French. As a 
consequence of their pursuit of the elusive Bu Baghla, who was killed in battle, the 
French expanded their authority into Kabylia (q.v.). 

Marshal of France and governor-general of Algeria. Born of a noble family of 
Perigord, Bugeaud could not be admitted to the school for senior officers at 
Fontainebleau, but in 1804 he entered the ranks of the grenadiers of the guard, which 
served as a training ground for junior officers. He joined the Army of the Rhine and 
participated in the German campaign of 1805. In 1808 he was with the Army of Spain 
where he distinguished himself at the Battles of Saragossa (1809) and Lerida (1810). 

In 1811 he was promoted to major and he became a colonel. Following his marriage 
in 1818, he settled down to the life of a gentleman farmer. He wrote a number of tracts 
promoting improved agricultural techniques. He was elected as a deputy representing 
Dordogne (1831). As a result of the July Revolution, he was able to return to the army 
that same year. 

Bugeaud opposed the French occupation of Algeria, but in 1836, he was ordered to 
confront Abd al-Qadir (q.v.) in order to relieve the Muslim siege of the French camp 
at the Tafna River. He dealt the Amir a solid defeat at its tributary, the 

Page 142 

Sikkak. Bugeaud was later authorized to negotiate a treaty with Abd al-Qadir. The 
Treaty of Tafna (May 30, 1837) (q.v.) abandoned the major part of Algeria to the Amir 
in exchange for peace. By the time he was appointed governor-general by the Soult- 
Guizot government in December 1840, war had resumed with Abd al-Qadir. 

As governor-general, he promoted the idea of Bureaux arabes (q.v.), a military system 
of administration. He also projected a ’’utopian" colonization of Algeria. During his 
administration of Algeria, he maintained full control over the local French 
bureaucracy, which drew protests from the European settlers. He also maintained 
constant pressure on Abd al-Qadir. Bugeaud eventually resigned his post in June 
1847, particularly because he could not obtain permission to pursue the Amir into 
Morocco (as had been done before) and because of inroads on his civil authority as a 
result of the Ordinance of April 15, 1845. Furthermore, atrocities committed by 
French troops also discredited the governor-general. The final blow was rejection of 
his plan of military colonization. 

Upon his return to French politics, he was elected president of the Chamber of 
Deputies in January 1848 and was called to command the defense of the Orleanist 
regime on February 24. After his offer of services to the Provisional Government was 
rejected, he returned to farming. He was elected deputy from Charente-Inferieure in 
1848 and again in 1849. Bugeaud died shortly after being named commander of the 
army of the Alps. 

A square in colonial Algeria honored the governor-general, who was most responsible 
for Algeria's colonization. After independence, it was renamed after his Algerian rival, 
the Amir Abd al-Qadir. 


Berber amir of Fatimids (q.v.). After the Fatimid Caliph al-Mu'izz left for Egypt, 
Bulukkin was left in charge. 

Page 143 

He was the son of Ziri (q.v.) and a member of the Zirid (q.v.) dynasty. He expelled the 
Zenata (q.v.) from the Central Maghrib, destroyed Tiaret, and took Tlemcen (q.v.). He 
pushed into Morocco in 980, but his presence there was ephemeral as he withdrew 
from Fez and allowed the Zenata's return. Bulukkin is credited with the naming and 
"founding" of Algiers (q.v). 


AKabyle (q.v.) leader of the insurrection of 1870-1871. Bu Masraq continued the 
(Great) Kabyle revolt (q.v.) after the death of his brother, Muqrani (q.v.). He was 
captured in 1872. His death sentence was commuted to exile, and he was sent to 
Noumea instead. He was allowed to return to Algeria in 1905, where he died within a 


Marabout who resisted French. Bu Maza proclaimed himself Mahdi and led tribes of 
the Dahra, the Chelif Valley, and the Ouarsenais against the French "infidels" in 1845, 
which also gave the harassed Abd al-Qadir (q.v.) a brief respite. Bu Maza was finally 
forced to surrender in April 1847. 


Colonial administrative institution. The Bureaux Arabes were implemented by 
governor-general Thomas-Robert Bugeaud (q.v.). The bureaux maintained control 
over Muslim populations in areas not under French civil control. Created in 1841, the 
bureaux initially attracted young Arabic-speaking French officers, who were often 
paternalistic toward native populations. During the next two decades, bureaux officers 
did not display the same type of sensibility as those who served under Bugeaud. This 
created problems (e.g., the insurgency of the Awlad Sidi Shaykh [q.v.]). The idea that 
the French Army had a social mission in Algeria was taken up again during the 
Algerian War (of 

Page 144 

Independence) by Sections Administratives Specialises (q.v. Soustelle) units. Though 
civilian control was assured in Algeria after 1871, the bureaux type of system 
remained in the military- administered Sahara. 

BU RENAN (BOU RENAN) (fl. 1850s). 

Leader of a Kabyle (q.v.) revolt. French attempts to assert more control over the 
Awlad Achour and the Ben Azzedin of eastern Kabylia (q.v.) incited a rebellion led by 
Bu Renan, who had been a French qa'id.HQ was defeated and exiled in 1860. Bu 
Renan, along with the rebellion of Bu Baghla (q.v.), underscored the French 
difficulties in subduing Kabylia. 

BUZIAN (BOUZIAN) (d. 1849). 

Marabout who resisted the French. Bu Zian led a revolt at the Za'atsha (Zaatcha) oasis 
(southwest of Biskra) that broke out when the French attempted to increase taxes on 
palms. After the French were repulsed in July 1849 at Za'atsha, Bu Zian's reputation 
was amplified, influencing sympathy and support from the Hodna and Aures regions 
as well as the Ziban. The French returned in greater force in the fall. This was a 
particularly heinous episode of suppression. The defenders were massacred 
(approximately 800 dead) and the bodies of Bu Zian and his son were mutilated. Bu 
Zian's head was displayed publicly. 


During Emperor Justinian's reign, the Byzantines under Belisarius conquered the 
Vandal (q.v.) Kingdom in 533. The Byzantines' territorial control of Algeria never 
matched that of Rome as they could govern only within regions along the littoral. 

An exarch ruled the province of Africa. Byzantine administration was marked by high 
taxation, though there were determined efforts to promote an efficient provincial 
government. Emperor Heraclius, a former exarch, entertained the idea of moving the 
imperial government to 

Page 145 

Carthage during the Sassanid (Persian) wars. The exarch Gregory and his Berber allies 
were defeated by the Arabs under Abdallah ibn Saad (Abd Allah ibn Sa'd) in 647. It 
took the Arabs until 698 to take over Carthage permanently (there was a brief 
ephemeral Byzantine reconquest of Carthage in 697). 

Page 146 


CADI, HADJ CHERIF (b. 1867). 

Assimilated officer. Cadi was born near Souk Ahras. The familial name Cadi means 
judge, reflecting his family's distinguished centuries-long juridical service for his tribe 
{Kebetias).C adi was an outstanding student who earned a scholarship. This led him to 
the Ecole Polytechnique in Paris. He was the first Algerian to be admitted to that 
prestigious institution. In 1889, he became a second lieutenant in the artillery. He 
became a French citizen and was promoted eventually to the rank of lieutenant- 
colonel. During World War I he fought at Verdun and served as a military adviser to 
Amir Ali, a son of Sharif Husayn (Hussein). (He received the honorific title "Hadj" for 
his pilgrimage.) He remained a Muslim in religion but a fervent Frenchmen. He 
published a book entitled Terre d'Islam in 1925. 

CAMUS, ALBERT (1913-1960). 

Writer. Camus was born in Mondovi. His writings emoted the "Mediterranean 
sensibility" of settler culture. Among his most famous novels are The Stranger (1942), 
The Plague (1947), and The Fall (1957). His essays include The Myth of Sisyphus 
(1942) and The Rebel (1951). He also wrote short stories. Camus received the Nobel 
prize for Literature in 1957. 

Besides his literary output, Camus was politically engaged in Algerian and French 
affairs (even briefly associating himself with the PCA [q.v. Algerian Communist Party; 
Amar Ouzegane]). Before World War II he excoriated the colonial government 
concerning the condition of the colonized in Kabylia. During the Liberation of France, 
he worked for the French Underground and edited Combat.C amus's works associated 
him with the French existentialists. He broke, however, with Jean-Paul Sartre after the 
publication of The Rebel.C amus's criticism of ideology leading to nihilism, which was 
a theme in this book, would have direct application during the War of Independence. 
During the war, Camus urged moderation and understanding. (He proposed a 

Page 147 

federated Algerian association.) Finding few on both sides who subscribed to his 
values or ideas, he went to France. He died in an automobile accident. 


Policy favored by the bureaux arabes in the 1850s. It removed the seminomadic tribes 
from large areas of their former holdings and confined them to Arab-Berber 
reservations. The objective of this policy was to open Algerian lands to 
Europeanization. The policy was reversed by Napoleon III (q.v.), who attempted to 
halt the transfer of Muslim property to Europeans (q.v Senatus- 
consultes ). Unknowingly the Emperor's reforms merely replaced the communal lands 
with private ownership. The term also applies to the rounding up of native 
populations by the French Army during the War of Independence in order to isolate 
ALN guerrillas. 


An ancient people who occupied the area of Algeria as early as 6,000 B.C. They were 
Berbers (q.v.) who had adopted neolithic culture. 


Located near Tunis, Carthage was Phoenicia's most renowned colony. It was 
established in the late ninth century B.C. The Phoenician Princess Elissa, or Dido, has 
been credited as the founder of the colony. The settlement eventually often conflicted 
with regional Greek colonies, but by the third century, the Carthaginians dominated 
the western Mediterranean. Carthaginian power spread to eastern Algeria (Numidia). 
Many of its mercenaries were native North Africans. Both the Mauretanians (q.v.) and 
the Massyli (q.v.) (q.v. Masinissa) were influenced by Carthaginian culture and 

Though maintaining its independence as a result of the disastrous Second Punic War, 
the city was destroyed in the Third Punic War (149-146 B.C.). Though rebuilt, the city 
never acquired its past political power and influence. 

Page 148 

CASBAH (Kasbah or Qasba). 

The citadel or fortified seat of Turkish authority in the Regency (q.v.) of Algiers. It 
was also the site of the FLN redoubt during the famous "Battle of Algiers" (q.v.) in 
1956-1957. The Casbah was built during the Regency (q.v.) and is renowned for its 
famous labyrinthine streets and alleys. Today it is seriously overcrowded. Its 
crumbling infrastructure needs vast attention and has resulted in protests in 1985 and 
1989 (q.v. Algiers). It is estimated that there are 70,000 people living in its 1,700 
buildings. Algerian authorities have viewed this old part of Algiers as a possible 
tourist attraction and have lobbied for international assistance (e.g., the United 
Nations's UNESCO in 1988). It is one of the most famous urban communities in the 


ALN/ANP officer. Colonel Chaabani was a wilaya commander during the revolution. 
After independence he commanded the Fourth Military Region (Sahara). President 
Ahmed Ben Bella (q.v.) selected Chaabani to serve on the General Staff of the ANP to 
counterpoise Colonel Houari Boumedienne's (q.v.) power and ambition. Chaabani 
was also named to the Political Bureau and Central Committee of the FLN in 1964. 
This maneuver ultimately failed and Ben Bella found himself threatened. At the April 
1964 Algiers Congress of the FLN, Chaabani spoke about the need to emphasize 
Islam's role in Algerian society. This was an implicit criticism of Ben Bella's 
government. In May Chaabani lost his command of the Fourth Military Region and 
was removed from the Political Bureau in June. The disaffected Colonel organized 
and led a revolt from Biskra (q.v.) against Ben Bella, who still faced Hocine Ait 
Ahmed's (q.v.) Kabyle (q.v.) insurgency. Chaabani was captured in July and executed 
for treason in September 1964. 


A nomadic group of the Sahara. The Chaambas, in addition to the nomadic Berber 
Tuaregs (q.v.) and the 

Page 149 

sedentary Berber Ibadi (q.v.), are an important Arab group inhabiting the Sahara. The 
Chaambas are found particularly near Ouargla, Gharadaia, and El Golea. The 
Chaambas, like the Tuareg, are distinguished by their remarkable sense of orientation 
and direction in the desert. During the colonial period, many served the French as 
guides and soldiers. 

CHALLE, MAURICE (1905-1979). 

French officer. General Challe was appointed commander- in-chief of French forces in 
Algeria in 1958 by Charles de Gaulle (q.v.). He effectively deployed airmobile tactics 
("Challe Plan") against the weary ALN (q.v.). Challe was reassigned to NATO in 1960 
and then resigned in 1961. The Algerian experience had a profound effect upon this 
talented officer. With de Gaulle pursuing an inexorable decolonizing policy, Challe 
became increasingly concerned about Algerians who had been loyal to France (q.v. 

Ha rkis ). He joined with Generals Raoul Salan, Edmond Jouhaud, and Andre Zeller in 
Algiers (q.v.) for an insurrection in April 1961. It failed to mobilize military and 
metropolitan support for the preservation of French Algeria and soon collapsed. 

Challe was arrested and eventually amnestied in 1968. Challe wrote Notre revolte 


representative in the United States during the War of Independence. Chanderli was a 
veteran of World War II, having campaigned in 1940 and then joining the Free French. 
He was a journalist before the War of Independence and then worked for the United 
Nations's UNESCO program. Along with M'hamed Yazid (q.v.), Chanderli effectively 
promoted the FLN in the United Nations and in the United States. Chanderli 
influenced John F. Kennedy to speak before the Senate in 1957 on behalf of Algeria. 
He represented Algeria at the U.N. from 1962 to 1964 and then became director of the 
General Centre for Industrial Studies and Technology (Algiers). 

Page 150 


Berber inhabitants of the Aures (q.v.) mountains. The Chaouia have maintained a 
strong ethnicity, given their situation in these remote, inaccessible, and even 
unapproachable mountains. They speak their own dialect. The Chaouia are primarily 
pastoral in the south and sedentary in the north. Like their Kabyle (q.v.) "cousins," the 
Chaouia place a great emphasis on family life. They reject polygamy, and women play 
an influential role within the family and Chaouia society. 

CHARLES V (1500-1558). 

Habsburg (Hapsburg) emperor (1519-1556). When confronting Ottoman control of the 
Mediterranean, Charles V targeted Algiers (q.v.). After obtaining French neutrality, 
Charles ordered Admiral Andrea Doria (q.v.) to attack in 1541. With an armada of 
more than 500 ships (galleys and transports) carrying approximately 37,500 soldiers 
and sailors, the assault force landed at the mouth of the Harrach River. The invaders 
secured the heights over the city. Nevertheless, stormy weather disorganized the 
attackers, and Turkish and allied Algerian counterattacks successively drove off the 
Habsburg forces. The Knights of Malta distinguished themselves covering the retreat. 
Another storm wracked the invasion fleet, destroying 140 ships. As the defeated 
Habsburgs embarked, the Turkish and Algerian forces celebrated a great victory. The 
Ottoman Regency's (q.v.) prestige was heightened given this triumph over Europe's 
most powerful ruler. 

CHARLES X (1757-1836) (q.v. Introduction). 

Last Bourbon King of France (1824-1830). Charles X was embroiled in a commercial 
dispute with the Regency (q.v.), compounded by the fly whisk affront (when Dey 
Husayn [q.v.] slapped the French consul with a fly whisk). After a three-year blockade 
of Algiers, Charles ordered the invasion of Algeria in an effort, too, to shift his 
subjects' attention from his "ultra" conservative polices. Another explanation was his 
wish to 

Page 151 

reestablish a Christian presence in North Africa. Algiers was taken on July 5, 1830, 
but by the end of the month Charles was deposed and replaced by his cousin, Louis- 
Philippe (q.v.). 


Promulgated at the April 1964 FLN (q.v.) Congress, it was a policy program that 
attempted to define the direction of Algeria's future. In general, this document 
elaborated upon the ideas of the Soummam Conference (q.v.) and the Tripoli Program 
(q.v.) of June 1962. It reaffirmed that Algeria would follow policies based on 
scientific socialism (in part through the pursuit of autogestion [q.v.]). Arabization 
would be pursued systematically. Although the Charter was heavily imbued with 
Marxism discourse (e.g., class struggle), Algeria affirmed its strong attachment to 
Islamic beliefs. Nevertheless, the Charter blueprinted a statist system under the control 
of the FLN as the sole "avant-garde" party, controlling political, economic, and social 


Known as Iol by the Carthaginians, it was renamed Caesarea in honor of Augustus by 
Cleopatra Selene (the daughter of Antony and Cleopatra) and Juba II. Caesarea 
eventually became the splendid capital of the Roman (q.v. Rome) province of 
Mauretania. The city suffered severe damage in 373 during Firmus's rebellion (q.v. 
Berbers). Under the Byzantines, Cherchell regained some of its splendor and 
significance. It was occupied by the Arabs by about the tenth century. Andalusian 
refugees also settled in Cherchell. The Marinids seized it in the fourteenth century and 
Khayr al-Din (q.v.) took it over in 1518. Andrea Doria (q.v.) destroyed part of the 
Algerian fleet there in 1531, but he could not disembark his troops. The city was also 
bombarded by Beaufort (1663) and Duquesne (1682). The French occupied it in 1840. 
The greater Cherchell area (the daira ) has a population of about 100,000. 

Page 152 


Deputy and especially Mayor of Algiers (1953-1958) (q.v.) during the War of 
Independence. Chevallier also served as minister for national defense in the Mendes- 
France government. Chevallier was a liberal who was particularly respected by the 
Muslim population and opposed by powerful colonialist conservatives. After 
independence he still served in Algiers's Chamber of Commerce. 


City of the interior, about half way between Algiers and Oran and which the French 
called Orleansville during the colonial period. (It was founded by Marshal Bugeaud 
[q.v.] in 1843.) El-Asnam was the site of severe earthquakes in 1954, 1980, and 1982. 
Its population was numbered at 118,996 in 1983. 


Algeria cinema has reflected many of the literary themes (q.v. Literature) of heroism, 
disillusionment, socialism, Islam, rural versus urban values, and so on. Algeria ranks 
as one of the greatest producers of films within the Arab world. During the War of 
Liberation, the GPRA produced L'Attaque des mines de I'Ouenza (1957) and L'Algerie 
en flammes (1960). Among the most significant directors and productions are: 
Mohamed Lakhdar Hamina (b. 1934), Le Vent des Aures/Assifat al-Aaouras/Wind from 
the Aures (1965-1966), honored at Cannes in 1966 with the "Award for First Feature"; 
Decembre (1972); Chronique des annees de braise/Waqail Sanawat al- 
Jamr /Chronicle of the Years of Embers (1975), honored with a Palme d'Or (Grand 
Prize) at Cannes in 1976; Ahmad Rachedi (b. 1938), L'Aube des damnes/Dawn of the 
Damned (1965); L ' Opium et le Baton/Al-AJyoun wal- Asa/The Opium and the Baton 
(1970); Ali au pays des mirages/Ali in the Country of Mirages (1978); Merzak 
Allouache (b. 1944), Omar Gatlato; Al-Tahouna/The Mill (1985); Mustafa Badie (b. 
1928), La Mort de Hassan Tero /The Death ofHassan Tero (1974); 

Page 153 

Mughamarat Zaim/ Adventures of a Hero (1978); Mohammed Bouamari (b. 1941), Le 
Charbonnier/The Coal-man (1972); L\ Heritage (1974); Mohamed Slimane Riad (b. 
1932), La Voie/The Way (1968); Le Vent du Sud/Ryah al-Janoub/Wind from the South 
(1975); Sid Ali Mazif (b. 1943), Sueur noire (1970); Les Nomades (1975); Leila et les 
autres/Leila and the Others (1977); Tayeb Mefti, 'Urs Moussa/Wedding ofMoussa 
(1982); Ali Ghalem (b. 1943 and lives in France), L Autre France ; Zawja li Ibni/A Wife 
for My Son;md the Beur directors Mehdi Charef, Le The au Harem dArchimede 
(1986); Camomille (1988); and Rachid Bouchareb (b. 1953), Baton Rouge. (Isabelle 
Adjani, a. Beur, is one of France's greatest actors.) In October 1987, Rabah Laradji's, 
Massinnissa received first prize at the International Film and Archaeological Society's 
meeting in Algiers. Assia Djebar (q.v.), the famous novelist, has also distinguished 
herself directing the film La Nouba des femmes du Mont Chenoua (1979) and Zerda 
et les chants de Voubli (1982). 

CLAUZEL, BERTRAND (1772-1845). 

French officer and administrator. Clauzel volunteered for service in 1791, and he was 
a general by 1802. He participated in all the major campaigns and supported Napoleon 
during the Hundred Days. He was exiled to the United States but was allowed to 
return. In 1830 he returned to the service and replaced Bourmont (q.v.) as French 
commander in Algeria. Clauzel was promoted to marshal in 1831 and was appointed 
governor-general of Algeria in 1835. Clauzel established a "model farm" near Algiers, 
disclosing his interest in agricultural colonization. He was recalled to France after his 
defeat before Constantine in 1836. 

CLEMENCEAU REFORMS (q.v. Jonnart Law). 

Georges Clemenceau was inclined toward reform in Algeria. In 1908 Prime Minister 
Clemenceau permitted Muslims to elect their members to department general councils. 
In 1916 the 

Page 154 

presidents of the Senate and Chamber of Deputies Committees of Foreign Affairs, 
Georges Clemenceau and Georges Leygues, co-wrote a letter proposing a program of 
reforms. These proposals included naturalization to French citizenship without loss of 
Muslim status; extension of Muslim participation in political assemblies (including a 
presence on the Conseil superieur in Paris; termination of discriminatory Muslim 
taxes ( impots arabes);and Muslim property protection. When Clemenceau became 
premier in 1917, he aimed to enact this program because he was particularly conscious 
of the sacrifices of the colonized during World War I and of the impending serious 
discontent within Algeria. Reappointing Charles Jonnart (q.v.) as governor-general to 
assist in implementing reforms, Clemenceau initiated the legislative process. In June 
1918, the extraordinary Muslim taxes were abolished, and in August Muslims were 
given authority over communal and village properties through tribal and local 
assemblies (jama'a).ThQ most important initiative was the passage of the Jonnart Law 
(q.v.) of February 1919. It allowed educated Algerians to obtain French citizenship 
provided, however, that they would abandon personal status under the Muslim civil 
law. Few Algerians were willing to make this concession. The Muslim electorate was 
expanded to about 425,000 voters. Muslims were given one-quarter of the seats in the 
Conseils Generaux (q.v.), and allowed colonized members of Conseils Municipaux 
(q.v.) to vote in mayoral elections. These measures were resisted by the settlers 
(Eugene Etienne [q.v.]). The reforms did not immediately threaten their entrenched 
position, but they deepened Muslims' dissatisfaction with the metropolis political 
sensibility and resolve. 


Law code for the colonized Muslims who had not become naturalized Frenchmen. 

This system was imposed in 1881 and was characterized by arbitrary punishments for 
a wide variety of offenses. Its application 

Page 155 

was clearly discriminatory and became the target of the Young Algerians (q.v.) and 
other Muslim activists. It was somewhat tempered in 1914 and 1919 (q.v. Clemenceau 
Reforms; Jonnart Law). The Code (or sometimes called the Indigen at)xQmamQd in 
effect until Charles de Gaulle's (q.v.) Ordinance of March 7, 1944 (q.v.). Summary 
justice was again applied during the War of Independence. 


This was the executive body of the FLN (q.v.) created in 1956 at the Soummam 
Conference (q.v.) to manage the party's affairs between meetings of its legislative 
body, the CNRA (q.v.). It had five members in 1956 and it was increased to nine the 
following year. It was the CCE that ordered the urban terrorism which led to the Battle 
of Algiers (q.v.). 

Interministerial Committee on Muslim Affairs, an organization created in 1919 to help 
coordinate policies toward Muslim subjects. It was generally ignored. 


This was a body created by the Soummam Conference (q.v.) and meant to serve as a 
parliament for the revolutionary organization. The FLN's (q.v.) primary authority 
rested in the CNRA. Between meetings of the CNRA, the CCE ( Comite de 
Coordination et d'Execution)(q.\.) exercised supreme authority. 

Opposition groups formed in the summer of 1964 by combining the PRS (q.v.) and 
the FFS (q.v. Hocine Ait Ahmed). Arrests followed the announcement of the 
organization of the CNDR, including "Liberals" like Ferhat Abbas (q.v.) and 
Abderrahmane Fares (q.v.) and suspected 

Page 156 

pro-(Mohammed) Khider (q.v.) sympathizers, including Commander Azzedine (q.v.) 
(Rabah Zerari), and deputies, presumably protected by parliamentary immunity, 
Boualem Oussekik, Brahim Mezhoudi, and others. While Ahmed Ben Bella (q.v.) 
survived the challenge to his authority, which the CNDR represented in the summer of 
1964, his position remained unstable. 


Revolutionary group. The CRUA broke from the divisive MTLD (q.v.) struggle 
between the "Centralists" and "Messalists" in the spring of 1954. Initially aspiring to 
resolve the fractured Messalist movement, CRUA members soon pursued their own 
course. Many of the members were former OS (q.v.) operatives. A Committee of 
Twenty- Two (q.v.) was established under the leadership of Mohamed Boudiaf (q.v.), 
which eventually selected a leadership team that would be known as the "historic 
chiefs" (q.v.) who continued to plan for armed revolution. After the coordinated 
attacks on October 31 to November 1, the CRUA became known as the FLN (q.v.). 

COMMITTEE OF TWENTY-TWO (q.v. Appendices). 

A group of nationalists and operatives who met near Algiers in June or July 1954. 
Their leaders were the six internal members of the "historic chiefs" (q.v. Historic 
Leaders) (Mohamed Boudiaf [q.v.], Mostefa Ben Boulaid [q.v.], Mourad Didouche 
[q.v.], Belkacem Krim [q.v.], Rabah Bitat [q.v.], and Larbi Ben MHidi [q.v.]). 

Scholars argue about whether the original CRUA (q.v.) or the Committee of Twenty- 
two organized the revolution. The Committee agreed that an armed revolution should 
be pursued until the country freed itself from French colonialism. 


A form of municipal government introduced into Algeria by the French in 1834 

Page 157 

and modeled on the French "commune,” having an elected mayor and council. In 
these municipalities, Muslim Algerians were subjected to local justices of the peace. 


Municipal government under the French occupation introduced as early as 1868 into 
those areas that had formerly been under military occupation. These were 
administered by appointed agents of the governor-general and assisted by 
commissions. In 1881 the judicial authority formerly held by the justices of the peace 
were transferred to appointed French officials who held broad discretionary powers 
(q.v. Code de I'lndigenat). 

CONGRES MUSULMAN ALGERIEN (q.v. Algerian Muslim Congress). 


A consultative body of 60 members called for by a February 1992 decree by High 
Council of State (HCS) President Mohamed Boudiaf (q.v.), which was inaugurated in 
April 1992. The selection process for its membership surveyed candidates in a variety 
of professions from all over Algeria. Redha Malek (q.v.) became the first president of 
the CCN. Though it replaced the suspended Assemblee Populaire Nationale (APN), as 
of this writing, the CCN has no legislative function. 


Assembly during the period of French control over Algeria, established by a decree of 
August 23, 1898. It was composed of high administrative officials and elected and 
appointed persons. Of the 60 members, 22 were administrators, 31 were elected by the 
Delegations fmancieres (q.v.) or the Conseils generaux (q.v.), and seven were 
appointees of the governor-general. It included only seven Algerian Muslims, four 
elected by the Muslim section of the Delegations and three appointed by the 

Page 158 


A parliamentary body at the departmental level of colonial Algeria. After 1855, 
Algerian representatives were appointed to these conseils , but they were always in the 


Municipal councils in colonial Algeria. As early as 1847, Algerians were represented 
on these councils, although they were always in a minority and they were generally 
appointed by French authorities. In contrast, the European settlers on the councils 
were elected and were guaranteed a majority of the seats. 


A major city of Algeria located 330 miles east of Algiers (q.v.). Built on a rocky 
plateau marked on the northeast, northwest, and southeast by deep ravines (cut by the 
Rhumel [Rummel] River), the city is on a site that serves as a natural bastion. 

Roman writers mention the existence of a town named Cirta, evidently of 
Carthaginian origin. (There is also evidence of prehistoric neolithic culture at 
Constantine.) At the time of the Punic wars it was the capital of Numidia (q.v.). The 
town was seized by the Romans (q.v. Rome) during the first century B.C. Emperor 
Maxentius had Cirta razed in 311 when it supported the usurper Alexander. 
Constantine rebuilt it in 313, and it was renamed in his honor. Constantine was 
captured at the time of the Vandal invasion, but it was returned to the Emperor in 442 
by Gaiseric (q.v.). After the fall of Rome, Constantine became independent until the 
Byzantines (q.v.) captured it in 533. It probably fell to Arab conquerors during the 
seventh century. 

The town was loyal to the Almohads (q.v.) until the breakup of the Empire when it 
recognized the authority of the Hafsid Abu Zakariya. During the fifteenth century the 
town was under the control of a few strong families. Not until 1534 did the Turks 
secure firm control of the city. Revolts against Turkish rule occurred in 1567, 1572, 
and 1642. 

Page 159 

During the eighteenth century, it was the object of a major rebuilding program by the 
Turkish rulers (beys). A period of disruption followed, and 17 beys ruled during the 
period from 1792 to 1826. The last bey of Constantine, Ahmad (q.v.) was formally 
deposed by decree of French General Bertrand Clauzel (q.v.) in 1830; however, the 
French were unable to enforce it until the siege of 1837. Due to its intransigence, the 
town remained under French martial law until 1848. 

Charles de Gaulle (q.v.) announced in Constantine reform measures for Algeria in 
December 1943 and in October 1958 (q.v. Constantine Plan). In November 1986 riots 
broke out in Constantine caused by student protests over campus conditions and 
examination changes. This resulted in four dead and 186 jailed. Constantine's 
population was recorded as 448,578 (1983). 


French reform effort announced by Charles de Gaulle on October 3, 1958, in 
Constantine as a nonmilitary means of gaining Algerian support. It proposed: (1) 
raising salaries and benefits to metropolitan levels; (2)new housing units to 
accommodate 1 million persons; (3)jobs for 400,000; (4) the matriculation of two- 
thirds of school-age Algerian children within five years (100 percent in eight years); 
(5) the distribution of 250,000 hectares to Muslims; (6) more civil service posts 
reserved for Muslims; (7) and industrialization (especially in hydrocarbons sector). 

The Constantine Plan was significantly influenced by the Maspetiol Report (q.v.), the 
Frappart Report (q.v.), and the Perspectives decennales (q.v.). While its objectives 
were not all met, there were improvements in infrastructure, soil conservation, 
hydroelectric production, and industrial and housing construction. The Constantine 
Plan also acted as an instrument of transition, which enabled France to assume the 
role of "cooperator" (q.v. Cooperation) for that of colonialist after independence. The 
Evian Accords (q.v.) stipulated a continuation of Constantine Plan assistance. 

Page 160 


It was ratified by 96.8 percent of the voters in the September 8, 1963, referendum. The 
Constitution oriented most power toward the presidency. It reaffirmed the 
revolutionary commitment to the anti- imperialist struggle and autogestion (q.v.). The 
FLN (q.v.) was declared the only legal party. Arabic was declared to be the official 
language and Islam, of course, the official religion. The National Assembly was 
regarded as fundamentally subordinate to the presidency. The Constitution reflected 
the growing authoritarianism in Algeria and specifically the presidential ambitions of 
Ahmed Ben Bella (q.v.). 


This Constitution reaffirmed Algeria as an Islamic and socialist state. The FLN (q.v.) 
remained the sole legal party. Its Political Bureau and Central Committee were charged 
with preparing legislation for a new representative body called the Assemblee 
Populaire Nationale (APN) composed of 261 members (elected from slates of 
candidates selected by the FLN). While the APN had stipulated powers, the real 
political power remained in the presidency. The president's cabinet was not 
responsible to the APN. The president could govern by ordinance. He was also the 
secretary-general of the FLN. While civil and political freedoms were ideally 
guaranteed by this document, in reality, Algeria remained an authoritarian state with a 
strong executive that did not have to share power. The Constitution gave President 
Houari Boumedienne (q.v.) a legitimacy that he did not possess before, given his coup 
in June 1965 (q.v.). 


The Constitution was a direct consequence of the October 1988 riots (q.v.). In 
November 1989, the shaken government of President Chadli Benjedid (q.v.) already 
had amended the Constitution of 1976 (q.v.), making the cabinet responsible to the 
Assemblee Populaire Nationale (APN). The Constitution of 1989 would be 
profoundly different from the Constitutions of 1963 and 

Page 161 

1976 (q.v.). By the new Constitution, Algeria now defined itself as a "democratic and 
popular" republic and did not include the word "socialist." Algeria's Islamic character 
was underscored reflecting the growth of the Islamist movement in the 1980s (q.v. 
Front Islamique du Salut ). The FLN was not even mentioned; indeed, a multiparty 
state was projected. Human and civil rights were included, though the new 
Constitution did not mention women's rights (unlike the 1976 document). This 
document was meant to be a vehicle toward reform. In July, legislation established the 
format for Algeria's new political pluralism. Other legislation created new electoral 
laws and permitted free expression, which quickly produced a variety of new 
publications (q.v. Appendices). 

COOPERATION ( Cooperation)(q .\ . Charles de Gaulle; Constantine Plan; Emigrant 
Labor, Hydrocarbons; Introduction). 

The name for postcolonial French aid policies and programs. Cooperation was also 
stipulated within the Evian Accords (q.v.). The national self-determination referendum 
(July 1, 1962) called for independence with cooperation. It remains a fundamental 
principle in French- Algerian relations. Technical (training) and cultural (teaching) 
cooperation has been especially important to independent Algeria (e.g., Conventions 
of 1966/1986; establishment of a variety of institutes for training 
[formation ]). Cooperation was supplanted briefly (1981-1984) by the concept of 
"codevelopment" (a more planned or accommodating cooperation) during the 
Mitterrand (q.v.) presidency. Algeria has also pursued its own cooperation policies 
with other countries. 


An institution created after the Houari Boumedienne (q.v.) coup of June 1965 (q.v.) to 
replace the National Assembly and the Political Bureau (q.v.) of the FLN (q.v.). The 
Constitution of 1963 (q.v.) was suspended. This Council was to function as the 
"supreme authority of the revolution" until the formulation of a new 

Page 162 

constitution (eventually the Constitution of 1976 [q.v.]). At first it was composed of 
26 members but eventually reduced to nine by 1976. 

COUP OF JUNE 19, 1965. 

On June 19, 1965, a group led by Colonel Houari Boumedienne (q.v.) arrested 
President Ahmed Ben Bella (q.v.) and in a bloodless coup took over power. The stated 
purpose of this "revolutionary readjustment" was to put an end to Ben Bella's personal 
rule and to place priority instead on Algeria's need for economic development. 
Boumedienne's regime projected the disciplined internalization of the revolution and 
its consolidation through planned programs (q.v. State Plans) and rejected the 
spontaneity and externalization that had characterized Ben Bella's government. 

The coup was particularly provoked by Ben Bella's attempts to bypass the Political 
Bureau and especially to neutralize the influence of Boumedienne. The new 
government gave the impression of being one of collegial rule as the executive 
government was theoretically the new Council of the Revolution (q.v.). 


A law of October 24, 1870, whereby the French government conferred French 
citizenship upon approximately 35,000 Algerian Jews. This was opposed by many 
European settlers. It also reinforced the isolation of the Muslims in Algeria. The 
Decree was abrogated by the Vichy (q.v.) government and reinstated when Algeria 
was liberated. 


A Cultural Revolution was proclaimed in 1971. It demonstrated that Houari 
Boumedienne's (q.v.) regime believed that the objective of "state-building" was not 
only tangible but also intangible: mentalities needed liberation. This meant a concerted 
commitment toward Arabization (q.v.) of Algerian culture 

Page 163 

and particularly language. Nevertheless, by the end of the decade, Arabization was 
slowed, and in 1980, Berbers (q.v.) demonstrated against its imposition upon their 
culture. There were appeals also within the FLN for more sensitivity to Algeria's non- 
Arab population. In the early 1980s, the idea of a pluralist identity began to be 
expressed, though Arabism received a powerful boost by the end of the decade with 
the emergence of Islamist opposition parties (especially the Front Islamique du Salut 

Though the revolutionary discourse of the Boumedienne era was dropped during 
President Benjedid's presidency, the cultural self-exploration of Algeria continued to 
be promoted. This was seen in the convocation of historical seminars and 
conferences. The "Memorial to the Martyr" (92 meters/302 feet) towering over Algiers 
includes a museum dedicated to the history of the nation. The "enriched" National 
Charter (q.v.) that was published in January 1986 also included a large section entitled 
"The Historical Foundations of Algerian Society." This section disclosed the 
"constants" in Algerian history, such as resistance to foreign forces dating back to 
Masinissa (q.v.) and Jugurtha (q.v.). The repatriation of the "national archives" from 
France emerged as a contentious bilateral issue underscoring the growing role of 
history in Algerian cultural affairs. 

The Arabization Law of December 1990 projected the complete use of the language in 
official proceedings and documents and higher education by the end of the century. It 
received intense criticism from Berbers and from the Francophone population (many 
of whom are Kabyles [q.v.], and also the emigrant community, i.e., the Beurs [q.v. 
Emigrant Labor]). Indeed, the appropriation of Algiers's Francophone Lycee Descartes 
in 1988 was a highly charged event underscoring the inherent problems of a policy 
that has at times disclosed insensitivity toward Algeria's pluralist cultural legacy. 

Page 164 


DAHLAB, SAAD (b. 1919?). Nationalist; minister; ambassador; industrialist. Dahlab 
attended the lycee at Blida and eventually became a member of the PPA (q.v.) and 
served for a time as Messali Hadj's (q.v.) secretary. Promoted to membership in the 
Central Committee of the MTLD (q.v.), he opposed Messali. Arrested by the French 
authorities in November 1954, he was freed in April 1955 and quickly joined the FLN 
(q.v.). He was elected to the CNRA (q.v.) and to the CCE (q.v.) in August 1956. He 
lost his seat on the CCE in 1957. Dahlab rose gradually within the GPRA (q.v.), 
becoming minister for foreign affairs in 1961 under his close colleague, President Ben 
Youssef Ben Khedda (q.v.). He was one of the chief negotiators at Evian (q.v. Evian 
Accords) (including secret negotiations with Louis Joxe [q.v.] in January 1962) and 
the Algerian ambassador to Morocco after independence. He then took on the 
industrial position of director of Berliet-Algerie. 

DANSER, SIMON (fl. early seventeenth century). Sailor born in Flessingue, Holland. 
He arrived in Marseilles early in the seventeenth century. Having begun a flourishing 
Mediterranean trade, he moved to Algiers in 1606 and became a corsair captain. In 
three years he captured more than 40 Christian vessels under the title "Captain Devil." 
For returning a group of captured Spanish Jesuits to the French King Henry IV, he 
was acquitted of his crimes against France and was allowed to return to Marseilles in 
1609. In gratitude, Danser gave the due de Guise two brass cannons that actually had 
been loaned to him by the Turkish Regency (q.v.). When de Guise refused to return 
the cannons, war broke out between France and Algiers. Marseilles's commerce 
particularly suffered as a result of this protracted conflict (peace reached in 1628). 

DARQAWA ( DA R K AWA Ff D ER K AWA) . An Islamic Order founded in northern 
Morocco in the late eighteenth century by 

Page 165 

the Idrisid sharif Sidi Mulay al-Arabi al-Darkawi of Fez, though its doctrine was first 
promulgated by Ali ibn Abd al-Rahman al-Jamal. The order promoted the practice of 
frequent prayers in its meeting places. The membership is still concentrated in north 
and eastern Morocco and western Algeria (especially in the Ouarsenis [mountainous 
region in western Algeria]). The order has been involved occasionally in the politics 
of the region. Ibn al-Sharif led a rebellion against the Turks in Oran province from 
1803 to 1809. Members of the Order accused Abd al-Qadir (q.v.) of collusion with the 
French for his treaties (i.e., Desmichels [1834] [q.v.] and Tafna [1837] [q.v.]). In 1864, 
the Darqawa leadership refrained from encouraging attacks on the French (during the 
Awlad Sidi Shaykh [q.v.] insurgency). By the end of the nineteenth century, the Order 
numbered about 14,500 members in Algeria. The Algerian membership resigned 
themselves to the French, unlike their Moroccan brethren. 


A tribal group of families attached to a chief. Before the French conquest, the term 
applied especially to four groups attached to the Bey of Oran. Organized as militia, 
they lived off the land put at their disposal by the Turks, drawing spoils from 
revolting tribes. The tribe split between Abd al-Qadir (q.v.) and the French during the 
early 1830s. The assassination in 1843 of their leader, Mustafa ibn Ismail, brought to 
an end their greatest power. 


Minister. Born in Cherchell (q.v.) and educated as a doctor, Debaghine joined Messali 
Hadj's (q.v.) PPA (q.v.) in 1939. He opposed the Nazis, but he refused service in the 
French Army during World War II. During World War II he worked secretly for the 
PPA (q.v.) and helped draft Ferhat Abbas's (q.v.) "Manifesto of the Algerian People" 
(q.v.). One month before the Setif massacre (q.v.) Debaghine proposed an armed 

Page 166 

Debaghine was a deputy in the French National Assembly form 1946 to 1951, was 
removed from the MTLD (q.v.) in 1949, and was asked in 1954 to participate in the 
insurrection as the head of the FLN (q.v.). He sympathized with the idea of armed 
revolution but refused at that time. Nevertheless, he later joined the FLN and served 
on the CNRA (1956) (q.v.) and CCE (1957) (q.v.). He received the portfolio for 
Foreign Affairs in Abbas's first GPRA (q.v.) (1958-1960). He opposed Ferhat Abbas 
(q.v.), Abdelhafid Boussouf (q.v.), Ahmed Ben Bella (q.v.), and Mohamed Boudiaf 
(q.v.), thereby alienating himself ideologically and politically from several sides. 
Debaghine returned to practicing medicine after Algeria achieved independence. 


Journalist. Born in Setif, Debeche resided in France where she worked for the ORTF, 
the official French radio and television organization. She was a thoroughly 
acculturated Algerian who wrote numerous articles on education and on the social and 
professional situation faced by Algerian women. Between 1945 and 1947, she edited 
L' Action, a, literary and artistic revue directed at women. She also published two 
novels, Leila, jeune fille dAlgerie (1947), and Aziza (1955), both of which reflected 
her interest in women's issues (q.v. Women). 

DECATUR, STEPHEN (1779-1820). 

American naval officer. After his participation in the "quasi-war" with France (1798- 
1800), Decatur distinguished himself in the Barbary campaigns (Wars) (q.v.). In 1804, 
he led a small group of "commandos" and destroyed the captured Philadelphia at 
Tripoli. In the War of 1812, he defeated the British frigate Macedonia as captain of the 
United States. He was later captured by the British in 1815 when he tried to break the 
blockade. After his release, Commodore Decatur engaged an Algerian frigate on June 
17 near Cape de Gatt and defeated it, killing rai's Hamidou (q.v.), one of the last 

Page 167 

Algerian captains. Decatur then sailed to Algiers and forced the Dey to sign a treaty 
assuring safe passage for American ships. 


With the escalating violence of the War of Independence as disclosed by the massacres 
at Philippeville (Skikda) and the terrible retribution by French forces ("collective 
responsibility"), Dr. Mohammed Saleh Bendjelloul (q.v.) called for a meeting of 
moderate (non-revolutionary) Muslim elected officials. They convened, passed a 
resolution, and signed a statement (September 26, 1955) calling for Algerian 
autonomy, which would allow Algerians to live their own lives. Among the supporters 
of this declaration were Ferhat Abbas (q.v.) and Ahmed Francis (q.v.), both of whom 
soon abandoned the search for moderate solutions and joined the FLN (q.v.). The 
declaration was a blow to the French government and ended the availability of 
moderate Muslim mediation between colonialists and revolutionaries. 


Officer; explorer; priest. This remarkable man has been called by Douglas Porch "a 
modern-day Augustine" (q.v.) (q.v. Bibliography). De Foucauld was a graduate of St. 
Cyr (1876) and the cavalry school in Saumur (1878). He at first led a dissipated and 
disorderly life. North Africa intrigued him, however, when he served with the 
Chasseurs . He left the Army and explored Morocco and the Sahara disguised as a 
servant of a rabbi. This journey resulted in his book Reconnaisance au Maroc, 1883- 
84 (1888). 

De Foucauld gained an intense appreciation of Islam, asceticism, and spirituality. He 
went to the Holy Land and entered a Trappist monastery. Though he eventually left the 
Trappists, he was ordained in 1901. He set up a hermitage at Beni-Abbis and in 1905 
moved to his famous retreat at Assekrem in the desolate and awesome Ahaggar 

Page 168 

Mountains near Tamanrasset. This humble ascetic tried to convert the desert tribes by 
example, as a "universal brother" believing in charity and goodwill. He also learned 
the Tuareg (q.v.) language, which resulted in a French-Tuareg dictionary Though he 
was highly respected by the desert tribes, he was murdered by marauding Tuaregs. 

De Foucauld viewed his mission as spiritual, but he also symbolized a French 
presence in the Sahara. Beatification proceedings were begun in 1927. 

DE GAULLE, CHARLES (1890-1970) (q.v. Introduction). 

French president. As leader of the Comite Frangais de la Liberation Nationale during 
World War II (i.e., Free French), de Gaulle appreciated the support given to his 
movement by Africans (as viewed at Brazzaville in January-February 1944). Once 
Algiers was liberated, it became the capital of "Free France." de Gaulle issued his 
Ordinance of March 1944 (q.v.), which provided citizenship without the loss of 
Muslim status to approximately 50,000 Muslims and which terminated the Code de 
ILndigenat (q.v.). Most historians believe that this assimilationist initiative no longer 
corresponded to the native elite's aspirations. Indeed, it was de Gaulle's provisional 
government that was in power during the severe repression at Setif (q.v.) in May 1945. 

Leaving the presidency of the provisional government in 1946, de Gaulle kept up his 
interest in Algerian affairs. He supported the Statute of 1947 (q.v.) but regretted that it 
was not implemented appropriately. De Gaulle became convinced, especially after the 
revolution began, that France and Algeria should have a redefined "association." He 
shared these thoughts privately and worded them publicly in a way that could be 
interpreted in various ways. When the Fourth Republic fell in May 1958, the 
Committee of Public Safety in Algiers (led by the military and influential European 
settlers [q.v. pieds-noirs])cal\ed for de Gaulle to assume power. 

Page 169 

De Gaulle became the last premier of the Fourth Republic and instituted reforms that 
established the Fifth Republic. His visit to Algiers in June 1958 featured his famous 
statement before the excited throng at the Forum: "Je vous ai compris" (I have 
understood you). To the pieds-noirs this indicated that de Gaulle understood that 
Algeria should remain French. De Gaulle had, however, another interpretation. It was 
a time to implement an associative relationship. When this failed, de Gaulle saw no 
other alternative but decolonization. De Gaulle, now as the French president (elected 
in January 1959 as the first Fifth Republic executive) faced settler unrest (January 
1960) and outright military rebellion (April 1961), but he survived these crises as well 
as an assassination attempt (August 1962). 

After Algeria gained its independence as a result of the Evian Accords (q.v.), de 
Gaulle inaugurated a period of generous "cooperation" (French aid programs) (q.v.). 
His government viewed Algeria as the "doorway to the Third World." Massive 
financial, cultural (educational), and technical assistance was given to the struggling 
new country. The highlight of this period was the conclusion of the Algiers Accord of 
1965 (q.v. Hydrocarbons). By the time de Gaulle left office, Algeria was no longer as 
dependent upon France, and France was no longer dependent upon Algeria. France 
had gained prestige within the Third World and had significantly improved its 
relations with the Arab states. 

Reda Malek (q.v.), Mahfoud Kaddache (q.v.), Mohamed Bedjaoui (q.v.), and Djamal 
Eddine Houhou (q.v.) participated at the colloquium commemorating the centenary of 
de Gaulle's birth (held in Paris, 19-24 November 1990). 


Study made for the French Economic Council in July 1955. The report revealed the 
significantly unequal distribution of arable land in Algeria between settlers and 
Algerian Muslims. Of 15 million acres of arable land, 25,000 Europeans controlled 

Page 170 

6,875,000 acres; 15,000 Muslims possessed 1,875,000 acres; and 500,000 Muslim 
owners held 6,250,000 acres. Additionally, the report demonstrated that the lands held 
by the settlers were the most fertile. In terms of industrial conditions, the report noted 
a distinct difference in the minimum hourly industrial wage between Algeria and 
France. The report asserted that French investments hardly affected the Muslim 

DELEGATIONS FINANCIERES (Financial Delegations). 

Colonial institution established by decree of August 23, 1898. It consisted of an 
assembly under the control and direction of European settlers that performed certain 
budgetary tasks. It served as a settler-dominated check over the governor- generals. 
Representing interests rather than individuals, it was composed of three sections: 24 
elected by landholding Europeans, 24 elected by Europeans in the cities, and 21 
Muslims selected in various ways. Normally the three sections met and voted 
separately in a final plenary session. Sessions were not public until 1918, and even 
then, publication of the minutes was under the control of the governor-general. The 
Delegations financieres symbolized settler political dominance in Algeria. 

DE PAUL, VINCENT (1581-1660). 

Founder of the Congregation of the Mission (Lazarist/Vincentian Order). De Paul was 
ordained in 1600. Apocryphal stories of his own Barbary enslavement disclose his 
interest in North Africa and the physical and spiritual redemption of Christian 
captives. Consulates were purchased and handed over to the Lazarists (Algiers [1646] 
and Tunis [1648]). The arrival of the Lazarists and the papal appointment of the 
clerical consul as bishop and vicar of Barbary irritated Trinitarian, Mercedarian, and 
Capuchin orders. Nevertheless, the Lazarists also assumed particular risks. When 
Admiral Duquesne bombarded Algiers in 1683, the Dey Mezzo Morto (q.v. Husayn 

Page 171 

Pasha) brutally executed the Lazarist Consul of France Pere Vacher. 

De Paul also served as chaplain general of the French galleys. He was canonized in 

DERDOUR, DJAMEL(b. 1907). 

Nationalist. Derdour was born in Annaba (q.v.) and was educated as a dentist in Paris. 
He was a dedicated follower of Messali Hadj (q.v.). He was a leading PPA (q.v.) 
member of the AML (q.v.) and he contributed to the document «Appel aux Frangais» 
("Appeal to the French") protesting the deportation of Messali and the harsh 
repression of the May (Setif [q.v.]) riots of 1945. He was arrested but freed in time to 
be elected a deputy along with Lamine Mohammed Debaghine (q.v.) and Messaoud 
Boukadoum (q.v.). He became a leading member of the MTLD (q.v.). Derdour had 
mixed feelings toward an armed confrontation with the French. 

DERRIDA, JACQUES (b. 1930). 

Leading deconstructionist philosopher. Born to a Jewish (q.v. Jews) family in El Biar, 
Algiers, Derrida left for Paris where he studied at the Ecole Normale Superieure. From 
1960 to 1964 he taught at the Sorbonne and from 1965 to 1984 at the Ecole 
Normale.Uis "poststructuralist," or "deconstructionist," methodology involves textual 
criticism and interpretation. He examines particularly the role of linguistics and 
philosophical presuppositions. These ideas became highly influential in Europe and 
the United States. Derrida's significant works include: La Voix et le phenomene; 
LEcriture et la difference;and De la Grammatologie in 1967; Marges de la 
philosophie {Margins of Phdosophy); Positions;md Dissemination in 1972; La Verite 
en peinture (1978); and La Carte postale (1980). 


French officer. Desmichels campaigned during the Revolutionary 

Page 172 

and Napoleonic wars and eventually became a member of the Imperial Guard. He 
commanded the French forces in Oran from 1833 to 1835, negotiating the 
"Desmichels Treaty" (q.v.) with Abd al-Qadir (q.v.) in 1834. Desmichels was 
appointed inspector general of cavalry in 1835, was promoted to lieutenant general the 
following year and reappointed inspector general of cavalry in 1836. 


An agreement concluded on February 26, 1834 between the commander of the French 
forces in Oran, General Louis-Alexis Desmichels (q.v.) and the Amir Abd al-Qadir 
(q.v.). It recognized the Amir's authority in the area of Oran (Oranais)(ex eluding the 
cities controlled by the French: Arzew, Mostaganem, and Oran). It also provided the 
Amir with arms to subdue those tribes that rejected his authority over them. Although 
the treaty was accepted by the French government, it was violated by Governor- 
General Marshal Bertrand Clauzel. (q.v.) The treaty was superseded in 1837 by the 
Treaty of Tafna (q.v.). 


European title of the ruler of the Regency (q.v.) of Algiers (q.v.). The Deys of Algiers 
were generally elected by fellow Janissary officers. There was a succession of some 
30 deys between 1671 and 1830. Nominal vassals of the Ottoman empire, deys in fact 
exercised virtually absolute power in the Regency (q.v.) and acted independently from 
their suzerains in Constantinople. 

DIB, MOHAMMED (b. 1920). 

Novelist; poet. Dib was born in Tlemcen (q.v.) and is regarded as one of 
contemporary Algeria's greatest literary figures. His collective work is a chronicle of 
Algeria's decolonization and its search for a genuine national identity. Three of his 
novels, La Grande maison (1952), LLncendie (1954), and Le Metier a tisser (1957), 
are particularly important because they mirrored what was happening in Algeria just 
before and during the 

Page 173 

War of Independence. In the novels La Danse du roi (1968), Dieu en Barbarie 
(1970), and Le Maitre de chasse (1973), he provides a critical view of postcolonial 
identity. Among his other works are the novels: Qui se souvient de la mer (1962); 
Cours de la rive sauvage (1964); and Habel (1977). Among his poetic works are: 
Ombre gardienne (1961); Formulaires (1970); Omneros (1975); Feu beau feu (1979); 
and O vive, Paris (1987). According to Jean Dejeux (q.v. Bibliography), Dib's most 
fundamental theme is the need to realize common values and humanity. 

After being forced to leave Algeria in 1959, he has lived in France. His international 
reputation earned him a visiting professorship to UCLA in 1974. Dib is a chief 
member of a great generation (q.v. Generation of 1954) of Algerian writers (e.g., 
Kateb Yacine [q.v.], Mouloud Mammeri [q.v.], Mouloud Feraoun [q.v.], and Malek 
Haddad [q.v.]). 

DIDOUCHE, MOURAD (1922-1955). 

Revolutionary and "historic leader" (chief) (q.v.). Didouche was one of the principal 
planners of the revolution, earning him membership as one of the "historic leaders." 
He was the first revolutionary commander in the Constantine region. He was a 
member of the PPA (q.v.) beginning in 1945, a leader in the OS (q.v.), and an early 
opponent of Messali Hadj (q.v.) when the latter questioned the timing of an armed 
insurrection. Sought by the colonial police from 1950 on, he served as Mohamed 
Boudiaf s (q.v.) associate in France where, before the outbreak of the War of 
Independence, they organized Algerian workers in support of nationalist causes. He 
was killed in combat in Algeria while covering the retreat of an armed group that he 
had personally directed (January 1955). One of the most famous streets of Algiers is 
named after him (ex-rue Michelet). 

DINAR (DA) (q.v. Appendices for dinar-dollar conversions). 

Introduced in 1963, it is the basic monetary unit of the 

Page 174 

Algerian government. At that time it replaced the French franc at par value until the 
French devaluation of 1969 when it maintained its value. In January 1974, the 
Algerian government allowed the value of the dinar to "float." In the late 1980s, the 
dinar's decline symbolized that of the Algerian economy. As part of the effort to 
liberalize the economy, the dinar was devalued by 22 percent in September 1991. 

DINET, ETIENNE (Nasr-Eddine) (1861-1929). 

Writer. Born in Paris, Dinet emigrated to southern Algeria and wished to become 
Algerian. He settled in Laghouat, then in Bou Saada. In 1913, he converted to Islam 
and took the name of Nasr-Eddine. With his Algerian friend and mentor, Slimane Ben 
Ibrahim (q.v.), he collaborated on a number of works, among which were Tableaux 
de la vie arabe published in 1904 and Khadra , danseuse des Ouled Nail in 1910. 
Dinet is considered a precursor of Algerian authors who wrote in French (as opposed 
to French authors who wrote about Algeria). 

DJEBAR, AS SI A (Fatima Zohra Imalayen) (b. 1936). 

Writer; cinematist. Born in Cherchell (q.v.), Djebar interrupted studies at the Ecole 
normale at Sevres to participate in the Algerian revolution. She wrote for El- 
Moudjahid and reported on the Algerian refugee situation. She continued her 
education at Tunis. Djebar taught at the University of Rabat (1959 to 1962) and served 
at the Faculte d'Alger. From 1965 to 1974 she lived in Paris before returning to 

Djebar's works particularly concern women. Her novels include: La Soif (1957), Les 
Impatients (1958), Les Enfants du nouveau monde (1962); Les Alouettes naives 
(1967); E Amour, la fantasia (1985); and Ombre sultane (1987). She also published 
Poemes pour I'Algerie heureuse, a short story collection entitled Femmes d'Alger dans 
leur appartement (1980). Djebar has also distinguished herself in the theater 

Page 175 

and particularly in film, directing the award-winning La Nouba des femmes du Mont 
Chenoua (1979); and La Zerda et les chants de roubli (1982). She is interested in 
women's issues and their modern identity. She is also one of the few Algerian authors 
who have had their works translated into English (A Sister to Scheherazade 
[translation of Ombre sultane]; Women of Algiers in Their Apartment;md Fantasia : 

An Algerian Cavalcade). 


Prominent North African Christian sect (regarded as a heresy by the Church). 
Donatism began in 312 over the election of Caecilian as bishop of Carthage (q.v.). The 
movement was named for Donatus, primate of Numidia (q.v.), who led opposition to 
Caecilian's election. In 321 Emperor Constantine granted toleration to the Donatists, 
but in 347 Emperor Constans exiled the group's leaders to Gaul. In 412 and 414, strict 
laws denied them ecclesiastical and civil rights. Augustine (q.v.) argued effectively 
against them and severely weakened the movement. Nevertheless, the arrival of Arian 
Vandals (q.v.) regenerated the Donatists. They survived in North Africa until the Arab 

Donatists were among the most educated Romanized citizens of Numidia. They 
claimed that the validity of sacraments required that its ministers be in a state of 
sinlessness. The Church rejected this idea. This led to theological and often violent 
disputes between Donatists and Catholics/Orthodox. Since the Donatists opposed the 
official religion of the Empire, by projection, they also rebelled against its political 
authority. This made it appealing to the rebellious nature of the population (q.v. 
Berbers). Donatism was another cause of the decline of Roman power in North 

DORIA, ANDREA (1466-1560). 

Genoese admiral. Doria owned his own fleet and served Francis I and Charles V. He 
attacked Cherchell in 1531 in an effort to free Christian slaves, but he 

Page 176 

sailed off quickly when Khayr al-Din's (q.v.) fleet approached. In general, he earned 
an excellent reputation as a sailor. He was most concerned about promoting Genoese 

DRAGUT (d. 1565). 

Famous sixteenth-century corsair leader. After gaining a reputation as a corsair 
captain, Dragut was inspired by the Barbarossa (q.v.) brothers' achievements in 
western Barbary. He managed to base himself in eastern Barbary (Mahdiya, i.e., in 
Tunisia), but he was forced out by the Spanish in 1550. Eventually, he pledged himself 
to the Ottomans and served as governor of Tripoli. Court politics prevented him from 
becoming Captain Pasha of the Ottoman fleet. He died in Malta. 

DRAIA, AHMED (1929-1988). 

Revolutionary; CNS chief. A native of Souk Ahras, Draia joined the ALN (q.v.) early 
in the War of Independence. He spent two years in Tunisian prisons for his 
participation in an anti-GPRA (q.v.) conspiracy. By the time independence was 
achieved, he had been liberated and sent to the area bordering on Mali to help 
organize nationalist forces there. He joined the Corps Nationale de Securite (CNS) in 
1963, and was named director of the presidency's security force in March 1965. In 
spite of efforts by Ahmed Ben Bella (q.v.), Draia remained close to Houari 
Boumedienne (q.v.). After the June 1965 coup, Draia became commander of the CNS 
(1965-1977). In 1977 he was tabbed as minister of transportation. Draia was also 
named to the Council of the Revolution (1978) and the Political Bureau of the FLN 
(q.v.). He was gradually removed from important positions within the FLN (e.g., 
Central Committee in 1983). After his years of domestic service, Draia entered the 
foreign ministry and held ambassadorial posts in Switzerland and Portugal. 

DRIF, ZOHRA. ALN (q.v.) 

urban fighter. Drif, who had attended the Lycee Descartes, was famous as one of 
Yacef Saadi's 

Page 177 

(q.v.) "girls" who dressed as European women and then planted bombs during the 
revolutionary terrorism of the Battle of Algiers (1956-1957) (q.v.). She was arrested 
with Saadi on September 24, 1957 and condemned to 20 years of hard labor. (She was 
implicated in the bombing attacks of the "Milk-Bar" and the "Coq Hardi" in Algiers.) 
After the war she married Rabah Bitat (q.v.). Drif also has supported women's rights 
(q.v. Women). 


Archbishop of Algiers; cardinal. Cardinal Duval was ordained a priest in Rome in 
1926. He became the bishop of Constantine and Hippo in November 1946. In 1954 he 
was elevated to the archbishop of Algiers. 

During the War of Independence, Archbishop Duval called on both sides for justice, 
peace, and brotherhood. His willingness to help both sides made him suspect to the 
European settlers who criticized his positions. Archbishop Duval's aim was to 
perpetuate the Church in North Africa, which he did not equate with the preservation 
of French colonialism. 

After Algeria gained its independence, Duval worked closely with the new 
government. Negotiations transferred abandoned Church properties to the Algerian 
state. The famed Ketchoua mosque that had been converted into a Christian church 
was returned to Islam. Catholic charities and schools also provided valuable assistance 
during those days of dislocation. In 1965 Archbishop Duval was named a cardinal by 
Pope Paul VI. During that same year he became an Algerian citizen. It was said that 
the Algerian (Muslim) government out of its deference for Duval suggested that he be 
elevated to that prestigious office. 

Eventually the government took over Catholic schools, but the Church maintained a 
moral authority within the Muslim country. He was a founder of the Ligue Algerienne 
des Droits de VHomme LADH. He has expressed his concern 

Page 178 

over the tragic violence committed against the emigrant worker community. In 1988 
he retired to Notre-Dame d'Afrique (replaced by Mgr. Henri Teissier). 

His homilies, speeches, and other statements have been collected in Paroles de paix 
(1955); Messages de paix (1962); and Au nom de la verite (1982). His conversations 
with Marie- Christine Ray are in Le Cardinal Duval : «Eveque en Algerie» (1984). 

Page 179 



Writer. Eberhardt was a French writer of Russian birth who married an Algerian 
officer in the Spahis (a native corp), Sliman Ehni, and rode with his unit. She 
converted to Islam and idealized Arab culture and Muslim mysticism. (She called 
herself "Si Mahmoud.") She died in a flash flood at Ain Sefra. Among her works, all 
published posthumously, are Notes de route (1908), Dans V ombre chaude de V Islam 
(1921), Trimardeur (1922), Mes Journaliers (1923), and Contes et paysages (1925). 
Along with Etienne Dinet (q.v.), she is considered a precursor of Algerian authors 
who wrote in French. In addition, her extraordinary independence has particularly 
interested researchers concerning feminists. 

ECONOMY (q.v. Introduction; Agriculture; Hydrocarbons; State Plans). 


During the medieval period, cities such as Tahert (q.v. Rustamids), Tlemcen (q.v.), 
Algiers (q.v.), and Bejafa (q.v.) distinguished themselves as centers of Islamic studies 
(q.v. Ibadism and Malikism). Great teachers included Sidi Bou Mediene in Tlemcen 
and Sidi Abd al-Rahman al-Tha'alibi (q.v.) in Algiers. Ibn Khaldun (q.v.) also taught 
and researched in several Algerian cities. The Turkish Regency (q.v.) promoted Hanafi 
studies complementing the traditional Maliki and Ibadi, underscoring the diversity of 
Islamic education in Algeria. 

During the colonial period, Europeans received the benefits and opportunities of 
education. Significant early initiatives to educate the Muslims came from Napoleon III 
who had developed a romantic, sentimental attachment for the colonized. Koranic 
schools were reopened in military territories and numbered about 2,000 in 1963. There 
were 36 "Arabic-French" primary schools in 1870. A normal school opened in Algiers 
in 1865 with 20 French and 10 Muslim students. Several colleges were established as 
well as 

Page 180 

medersas (madras as). In Kabylia, a technical and vocational school opened in 1868. 

With the arrival of the Third Republic and the subsequent consolidation of colonialist 
civil authority, the colonized's education was purposely neglected. In 1882, there were 
only 16 primary schools open. Religious education was monitored. In 1890, 1.9 
percent of the school-age population were in public or private schools. Only 776 
students were in public secondary school in 1930. Concurrently at the University of 
Algiers, there were 92 native students out of a student body of 2,014. By 1954 more 
than 90 percent of the colonized were illiterate and only one out of 10 Muslim children 
went to school (q.v. Bibliography; see Charles-Robert Ageron, Histoire de I'Algerie 
contemporaine [1977] and Histoire [1979]). 

Since independence, Algerian governments have allocated a very high percentage of 
budget funding toward education (usually about 25 percent). Consider these general 
changes in school-year enrollments from 1962-1963/19891990: Primary 
800,000/5,500,000; higher 3,000/227,000 (adapted from EIU, Country Pro fde 
1990/1991]). There are eight state universities and the Abd al-Qadir (Abdelkader) 
Islamic University in Constantine (opened in 1984). This educational commitment is 
one of the most impressive in the world. Illiteracy has plunged from 90 percent to 48 
percent. Nevertheless, many educated Algerians cannot find employment, which has 
led to discontent and disillusionment. 

Primary classes and most of the secondary classes have been Arabized. French is 
taught as a foreign language. The Arabization Law of December 1990 plans to 
"Arabize" higher education by the end of the century, but this seems unrealistic (q.v. 
Arabization) given Berber cultural resistance, recent political upheaval, and the 
continued use of French as a pragmatic means for technological transfer. 


These were the first elections under the new Statute of Algeria (q.v.), which had been 
devised largely 

Page 181 

on lines set by de Gaulle at the Brazzaville Conference during World War II. While the 
new law was supposed to reward the colonized for their participation in the war 
against Germany, the elections were so shamefully managed by the governor-general 
of Algeria that few nationalists were elected. These elections marked the end of a 
possible decolonization through French constitutional means. 


The first round of this national parliamentary election gave the FIS (q.v.) an 
astounding 188 seats, just 28 short of a majority in the future session of the Assemblee 
Populaire Nationale (APN). (The FFS [q.v.] gained 26 seats.) Though there were 
complaints of irregularities, the popular will (47.54 percent of the voters) preferred the 
FIS over the FLN (q.v.) and other "secular" parties. The inevitable FIS victory in the 
scheduled January 1992 second round provoked a coup against the administration of 
President Chadli Benjedid (q.v.) (January 11). The self-installed High Council of State 
(HCS) (q.v.) then annulled the results of the election and cancelled the second round 
despite the complaints of the FIS, the FFS, and even the FLN. 


The local elections of June 12, 1990, were the first free pluralist elections in Algeria's 
history. They resulted in the Islamist FIS's (q.v.) surprising success as they won 32 of 
49 wilayat while obtaining 54 percent of the popular vote (28 percent for the ruling 
FLN [q.v.]). The city councils in all major Algerian cities were also gained by the FIS. 
In all, 850 out of 1,500 councils were gained by the FIS. Several secular parties 
decided not to participate in this election (notably the FFS [q.v.]), which resulted in 
part in a lower registered-voter turnout (60 percentile). Its victory underscored public 
dissatisfaction with the FLN and the popularity of the FIS's populist Islam. 

Page 182 


The promised national legislative elections of June 1991 (scheduled for two rounds: 
June 27 and July 19 runoff) were postponed as a result of violent protests over the 
electoral process (eleventh hour [April] gerrymandering by the FLN's Assemblee 
Nationale Populaire);thQse protests subsequently jeopardized Algeria's 
democratization and especially the FIS's political influence. The FIS called for a 
general strike on May 25 to protest the electoral law changes and to promote a 
presidential election. On June 4, police forces tried to dislodge Islamists who had 
occupied squares in Algiers, which resulted in 17 (official) deaths. On June 5, a state 
of siege was declared and the elections postponed. Sid Ahmed Ghozali (q.v.) replaced 
Mouloud Hamrouche (q.v.) as prime minister. A curfew was imposed. With peace 
restored on June 7, the FIS ended its call for a general strike after receiving assurances 
from Ghozali of national legislative and presidential elections by the end of 1991. 
Nevertheless, by the end of the month (June 25) fighting resumed. Abbasi Madani 
(q.v.) threatened "holy war" unless the state of siege was lifted. This provoked the 
government's arrest of Madani and his deputy, Ali Benhadj (q.v.) on June 30. The 
situation calmed and on September 29 the state of siege ended. On October 15, 
President Chadli Benjedid (q.v.) announced that the first round of national elections 
would take place in December (q.v. Elections of December 1991). 


Nationalist and unionist. A schoolteacher from El-Eulma, Embarek joined Messali 
Hadj's (q.v.) PPA and then became a member of the MTLD's (q.v.) central committee. 
He was treasurer of the MTLD when the French authorities arrested him in November 
1954. Freed from prison in April 1955, he joined the FLN (q.v.) and helped create the 
UGTA (q.v.). He also helped organize the FLN Congress of 1964. 

Page 183 


Given the paradoxes of colonialism, its social inequities (e.g., economic 
dispossession) contradicted by its improvements (health), Algerians who had lost land 
and competed for scarce and diminishing economic resources found themselves 
condemned to emigration. These emigrant workers risked tribal dishonor by leaving; 
however, there was no other choice besides joining the hundreds of thousands of 
unemployed or underemployed in Algeria. The European settlers regretted this loss of 
labor but generally ignored the harsh reality that the colonialist system excluded 
significant native economic participation. Though there were already several thousand 
Algerians working in France before World War I, their numbers swelled during the 
war. Besides providing soldiers, France imported about 120,000 Algerians to replace 
French workers sent to the front. 

By 1948, there were 180,000 workers in France. By 1962, their number rose to 
400,000. During the War of Independence, the FLN (q.v.) (through the FFFLN) 
confronted the MNA (q.v.) in an effort to gain the support of the community. On 
October 17, 1961, a dramatic march of 30,000 emigrants through the heart of Paris 
publicized their protest over their repression (within the community by French police) 
and their support of Algerian independence. A brutal suppression left two dead. 

Since independence the emigrant community has been targeted with violence 
especially during times of crises or declining relations between Algeria and France. In 
September 1973, the Algerian government declared that it would stop emigration to 
France. Assaults and murders have remained commonplace. Furthermore, the hostility 
has also been directed against official institutions. French radicals bombed the 
Algerian Consulate in Marseilles in December 1973 (4 dead, 16 wounded) and gunned 
down an employee at the Amicale des Algeriens office in Paris in December 1977. 

Page 184 

With the French economy in stagflation during the late 1970s, the emigrant workers 
were blamed for taking work from the French. Legislation (Bonnet- Stoleru) aimed to 
provide a payment to the workers to return and threatened the nonrenewal of 
residence cards. In September 1980 both governments agreed upon a card renewal 
whereby cards would be renewed and a programmatic method of "reinsertion" with 
French help was instituted. The emigrant workers have also been allowed to join 
French unions and have received their support. The population of the Algerian 
community in France today is approximately 850,000 people. 

The emigrant "second generation," or Beurs,havQ become a cultural and political force 
in France. Suspended between French and Algerian cultures, the Beurs have sought 
justice from France and understanding from Algeria. For example, they have been 
very active in the struggle against racism in France and have been very critical of 
Algeria's Arabization Law of 1990 (q.v. Cultural Revolution). 

Algeria's hope to "reinsert" the community is illusory given its own economic 
problems. Many who have returned have had difficulties adapting to Algerian society. 
This is a particular problem with the youth. Nevertheless, if racism and discrimination 
continue to increase in France (as disclosed by Jean-Marie Le Pen's nativist Front 
National party) and other European countries (e.g., Germany), Algerians may be 
forced to return. 

ETIENNE, EUGENE (1844-1921). 

Colonial deputy and senator; French minister. Etienne led the Parti colonial , which 
was a parliamentary bloc that fervently protected the colonial privileges of the settlers. 
To Etienne, colonialism was equated with the greatness of France. 

Etienne was born in Oran and experienced settler frontier life. He moved to Marseilles 
and became involved with 

Page 185 

business interests there and in Oran, the city that he represented as a deputy (elected in 
1881) in the French National Assembly Etienne supported the Code de I'indigenat 
(1881) (q.v.), which reinforced his own prejudices toward native Algerians. He 
opposed the Jonnart (q.v. Clemenceau Reforms) Law of 1919 (q.v.). 

Etienne was vice president of the Chamber of Deputies (National Assembly) in 1894, 
1895, and 1902-1904. From 1887-1892, he held the position of secretary of state to the 
Ministry of the Navy and the Colonies. He also was minister of the interior in 1905 
and minister of war in 1905-1906; 1913. He was elected to the Senate in 1920. 

ETOILE NORD AFRICAINE (North African Star) (ENA). 

Algerian nationalist organization. This organization was founded in 1925 by members 
of the French Communist Party (PCF) who wanted to create a North African labor 
organization. Under the leadership of Messali Hadj (q.v.), the organization eventually 
evolved into an Algerian nationalist organization. The ENA's objective was to defend 
"the material, moral, and social interests of North African Muslims." From the 
beginning, the ENA demanded full independence of all North Africa (including 
Algeria, Tunisia, and Morocco). The organization was quickly controlled by 
Algerians, and other nationalities lost interest in it. The French government formally 
dissolved the ENA in 1929, and many of its members went underground. In 1933, the 
organization reappeared {La Glorieuse Etoile No rd -Africa ine)da\d held a general 
assembly in France that passed resolutions on the details of independence. In 1934, 
the ENA was again reorganized under the name of the National Union of North 
African Muslims. 

Messali was imprisoned for a year for "reestablishing a dissolved organization." After 
his release, he left for Switzerland where he became influenced by the ideas of Chekib 
(Shakib) Arslan (q.v.). Messali drew away from 

Page 186 

Communism and became more closely identified with Pan-Arabism. Despite the initial 
favorable attitude of the Popular Front Government in allowing him to return to 
France in 1936, it dissolved the ENA in January 1937. It was succeeded by the PPA 
( Parti du Peuple Algerien)(q.v.), a clearly Algerian group. 


The last and possibly greatest Beylerbey (1568-1587). Eulj Ali was taken captive off 
the Calabrian coast and he converted to Islam, possibly to avenge himself upon a Turk 
who had abused him. He became a galley officer and then went privateering, serving 
Hassan Pasha (q.v.) (ibn, or son, of Khair al-Din) and Dragut (q.v.). He distinguished 
himself during campaigns at Mostaganem (1558) and at Malta (1565). 

Eulj Ali was the Pasha (governor) of Tripoli before being named Beylerbey. YLq 
supplied the Morisco rebellion (15681571). The Beylerbey forced the Hafsids and the 
Spanish out of Tunis. In the spring of 1571, he participated at the capture of Cyprus 
from the Venetians. Having fought bravely at the Battle of Lepanto (October 9, 1571), 
he was made Captain Pasha. YL q delegated (through the 0<7/'aA:)replacements in Algiers 
while he served the Sultan. 

Eulj Ali forced the Spanish from Tunis in 1574 after Don Juan (King Philip's brother) 
had taken it the year before. He proposed the digging of the Suez Canal as a means to 
expand Ottoman power in East Africa and toward India. The Captain Pasha improved 
the port of Algiers and modernized the Ottoman fleet using the Algerian corsair as the 
model warship. 


French accords signed on March 18, 1962, which stipulated a cease-fire and a process 
for Algerian decolonization. The accords had many chapters. It particularly defined a 
framework for Algeria's relations with the ex-metropole (q.v. Cooperation). 

Page 187 

The Evian Accords ensured Algerian political independence while preserving a 
French presence through "cooperation," which was initially and inevitably 
neocolonialist as demonstrated by the protection of investments (e.g., hydrocarbons 
[q.v.]) and the perpetuation of strategic interests (e.g., military bases). They began 
with a cease-fire, followed by introductory governmental declarations and five 
chapters complemented by corresponding declarations of guarantees and principles. 
Chapter I discussed the transition period and described the nature of the interim 
government, which reserved roles in it for Europeans besides Muslims. This 
provisional government's task was to organize the self-determination referendum. 
Algerian internal and external sovereignty was addressed in Chapter IE This chapter 
also introduced stipulations concerning the Europeans' future role in independent 
Algeria (detailed in the "Declaration of Guarantees"). It also explained French- 
Algerian cooperation. Chapter III dealt with "military questions." Overall, there would 
be a protracted disengagement from Algeria. Chapter IV asserted that any dispute 
would be approached by negotiation. According to Chapter V, if Algerian 
independence with cooperation was adopted, France would immediately recognize the 
new nation. 

The negotiation was arduous. Leading the Algerian team was Belkacem Krim (q.v.). 
His counterpart was Louis Joxe (q.v.). Krim successfully defended the territorial 
integrity of Algeria. (The French threatened partition.) He also was able to prevent 
double- citizen ship of the European settlers. Nevertheless, he did receive criticism by 
the FLN for permitting French military and nuclear bases. Furthermore, French 
petroleum companies were able to keep their "Petroleum Code" and operate quite 
freely in the Sahara. 

Krim and others, including Ben Youssef Ben Khedda (q.v.), believed that the accords 
represented a "compromise" and that its stipulations could be negotiated again. What 
was important was to gain independence and to stop 

Page 188 

the violence. The intraelite dispute over the accords contributed to the brief intraelite 
conflict after the vote for self-determination. 

Furthermore, the Organisation de VArmee Secrete's (OAS) (q.v.) operations and the 
settlers' reluctance to live in an Algeria governed by the FLN vitiated the stipulations 
and guarantees designed to protect the French community. The Evian Accords 
provided a framework for the postcolonial bilateral relationship, but as Ahmed Ben 
Bella (q.v.) noted in 1962 and even President Valery Giscard d'Estaing (in February 
1978), these agreements became anachronistic. 


A naval force brought to Algiers in August 1816 under the command of British 
Viscount Exmouth (Edward Pellew). When the Dey Omar refused to abide by the 
terms of the Congress of Vienna concerning slavery, Lord Exmouth's fleet effectively 
bombarded Algiers (August 27). This was done successfully because the British fleet 
had arrived in the harbor under a flag of truce, placing it in a strategic position to 
reduce Algerian positions. Though the Dey refused to capitulate, he was forced to 
negotiate. Exmouth dictated terms, including abolition of slavery, freeing of Christian 
slaves (approximately 1,200), and a 500,000 franc reparation. Janissaries plotted the 
death of the Dey a short time after this humiliation (January 1817). 

Page 189 


FACI, SAID (b. 1880). 

Schoolteacher and moderate critic of French colonialism. Faci acquired his elementary 
teaching diploma in 1909. He joined the League of the Rights of Men and formed two 
organizations of teachers in Oran, the Amicale des Instituteurs and later in 1921, the 
Association des Instituteurs dOrigine Indigene. 

Faci criticized the colonial establishment for preventing easier access to French 
citizenship. In addition, he advocated a greater role for native teachers in Algerian 
education. The League of the Rights of Men published Faci's Le Statut Indigene en 
Algerie (1919) and Le Droit syndical et le statut des fonctionnaires (1920). In his 
Memoires dun instituteur algerien dorigine indigene (Algiers; supplement to La Voix 
des humbles, no. 98, 1931), he described the suspicions of Europeans toward educated 
natives. In his F Algerie sous legide de la France (1936), Faci promoted education 
for the Muslim masses and viewed native educators as interlocutors within colonial 

FALAKI, RED A (b. 1920). 

Writer. Born in Algiers, his real name is Hadj Hamou. He authored Le Milieu et la 
marge (1964) and also distinguished himself as a playwright, as an advocate of 
Algeria's oral traditions, and as a writer of children's stories. 


The difficulty in reconciling Western, modernist, and Islamic values in Algerian 
society was symbolized by the Family Code process. On three other occasions the 
Family Code had been shelved (1964, 1972, and 1980). It finally passed in 1984. It 
reinforced traditional Islamic law (Sharia), which palliated Islamist concerns while 
disappointing feminists (q.v. Women) for its patriarchy (e.g., concerning marriages, 
divorces, inheritances). 

FANON, FRANTZ (1925-1961). 

Psychiatrist; FLN (q.v.) activist; Third World ideologue. Born in Martinique, Frantz 

Page 190 

Fanon was educated in Paris and became a practicing psychiatrist in Algeria (Blida). 

He sympathized with the FLN and became a contributor and editor to the nationalist 
newspaper El-Moudjahid. Fanon led several FLN diplomatic missions in Africa (e.g., 
inter- African congresses at Bamako and Cotonou). He was seriously injured along the 
Moroccan frontier when his vehicle struck a mine. Fanon was stricken with leukemia 
and died in Washington. 

Fanon analyzed the effect of the imposition of colonialism upon the colonized. He 
perceived a "psychoexistential complex" among his native Antilleans. This complex 
involved identity and inferiority derived chiefly from economic inequality, racism, and 
cultural prejudice. During the War of Independence, Fanon applied these ideas and 
others in his writings. He viewed the violence of the revolution as cathartic because it 
physically and psychologically destroyed the colonial system. Violence mobilized and 
united the people. He also warned about the dangers of neocolonialism. 

Fanon wrote: A Dying Colonialism (1959/1967), Toward the African Revolution 
(1964/1970), The Wretched of the Earth (1961/1968), wad Black Skin White Masks 
(1952/ 1967). [Dates are those of original French publications and English editions.] 
Collectively, F anon's writings provide a wealth of ideas on colonialism, 
decolonization, and post-colonialism. The attention given to his ideas on violent 
decolonization overlooks what Fanon fundamentally strove for: the realization and 
recognition of human dignity and equality. 


Nationalist; Provisional Executive Council president. Born in Algiers, he eventually 
graduated from the University of Algiers and became a Muslim notary public. He ran 
for public office and served on the Algiers Municipal Council and in the Algerian 
Assembly. He was speaker of the latter body (1953-1956) and supported the 
"Declaration of the 

Page 191 

Sixty-One" (q.v.). A moderate, he served as an intermediary between the French and 
the FLN (q.v.) (1956-1961) until the French arrested him. In 1962, he was chosen 
president of the Algerian Provisional Executive Council, which was charged with 
facilitating the transition of power from colonial to independent Algeria. Fares tried to 
reconcile the settler and native communities. Nevertheless, the Provisional Executive's 
authority was moral rather than military. He established a private legal practice in 
Algiers in 1962, then was arrested for "political reasons" in 1964. He wrote a memoir 
entitled La Cruelle verite (1982). 

FARES, NABILE (b. 1940). 

Writer and son of Abderrahmane Fares (q.v.). He was an activist for the FLN during 
the war, but he settled in France after independence. Nabile's writings often express 
disillusionment with postcolonial Algeria. Among his novels are a trilogy ( Le Champ 
des oliviers [1912]; Memoire de V Absent [1974]; L'Exil et le desarroi [1976]); Yahia , 
pas de chance (1970); La Mort de Salah Baye ou la vie obscure d'un Maghrebin 
(1980); and Un Passager de ' Occident (1971). His poetry includes Chants dhistoire et 
de vie our des roses de sable (1978) and L 'Etat perdu precede du discours pratique 
de Vimmigre (1982). 


North African Shi'i dynasty. The name Fatimid refers to Fatima, the wife of Ali, the 
fourth Caliph. Under the leadership of 'Ubayd (’Ubaid) Allah, an Isma'ili scholar from 
Syria, a dynasty was established in Tunisia that spread eastward and westward. Most 
of the propagation and proselytization was done by Abu Abd Allah al-Shi'a, an 
Isma'ili da'i, who converted the Kutama (q.v.), a Berber (q.v.) tribe of Lesser Kabylia 
(q.v.). The Aghlabid dynasty (q.v.) fell before the strength of the Kutama in 909. 

Eventually, 'Ubayd Allah arrived in North Africa and joined (or may have been 
rescued by) Abu Abd Allah. 'Ubayd Allah proclaimed himself the Mahdi and the Amir 

Page 192 

al-Muminin (Commander of the Faithful). Nevertheless, Abu Abd Allah pressured 
'Ubayd Allah to share power and even questioned the Mahdi's administration. On July 
31, 911, by the orders of the Mahdi, Abu Abd Allah and his brother were executed. 

'Ubayd Allah moved the capital to a new city called Mahdiya (in Tunisia). Fatimid 
forces reached Morocco and took over Sijilmasa. Expeditions were sent against Ceuta 
and Melilla and launched across the Mediterranean. Fatimid administration was 
generally oppressive to the Sunni majority, and this contributed to a great Zenata (q.v.) 
Berber threat led by the Khariji scholar Abu Yazid (q.v.). 

Abu Yazid led a popular revolt that reached the walls of Mahdiya. The Caliph Abu al- 
Abbas Isma'il al-Mansur (q.v.) finally defeated Abu Yazid, who died from his wounds 
in 947. Under Caliph al-Mu'izz (r. 953-975) and his effective general Jawhar, Fatimid 
power was at its height extending westward to Fez, Tangier, and Ceuta. The enduring 
Fatimid ambition to conquer Egypt was also realized. Al-Mu'izz left for Egypt in 973 
after Jawhar had established Fatimid there in 969. The Caliph left the Maghribi 
provinces to Bulukkin (q.v.) of the Zirid dynasty (q.v.) to govern the Maghrib. 


Founded in Constantine by Dr. Mohammed Saleh Bendjelloul (q.v.) during the 1920s, 
this party soon acquired branches in Oran and in Algiers and its surrounding areas. Its 
aim was to achieve assimilation for Algerians. Nevertheless, the members were critical 
of French colonial administration and made numerous demands for reforms. Its 
aspirations were frustrated by the rejection of the Blum-Viollette legislation (q.v.). 


The FLN (q.v.) organization in France that attempted to involve the emigrant worker 
community during the War of Independence. 

Page 193 


National Federation of Agricultural Workers that claimed 350,000 members in 1978. It 
was organized for wage earners in the agricultural sector who were not well 
represented in the UNPA (National Union of Algerian Peasants), which represented 
farmers who live from their own production. 

FERAOUN, MOULOUD (1913-1962). 

Writer. AKabyle born to a poor peasant family, Feraoun nonetheless managed to 
progress through the French school system and to earn a degree at the Bouzareah 
Normal School (Teachers College). He became one of the most prolific Algerian 
authors to write in the French language. In all of his books, he described Kabyle life, 
underscoring the universality of the human condition. During his life, which was cut 
short by his murder by settler extremists, he published three novels, a collection of 
essays, and a translation of the poems of a fellow Kabyle, Si Mohand. His novels are 
Le Fils du pauvre (1950), La Terre et le sang (1953), and Les Chemins qui montent 
(1957). The essays published in 1954 are entitled Jours de Kabylie.The translation of 
the poems of Si Mohand appeared in 1960. Three posthumous works are Journal 
1955-1962 (1962), Lettres a ses amis (1969), and an unfinished novel, FAnniversaire 

FERROUKHI, MO STEFA (1922-1960). 

Nationalist; revolutionary. A native of Miliana, Ferroukhi received his secondary 
schooling ( madrasa in Algiers) and joined the PPA (q.v.) in 1942. After World War II, 
he was a member of the Central Committee of the MTLD (q.v.) and, in April 1948, he 
became a delegate in the Algerian Assembly (q.v. Statute of Algeria). Along with most 
of the MTLD leaders, he was arrested by the French authorities in November 1954 but 
was released in April 1955. He then moved to France and then to Tunis and the FLN 
(q.v.) in 1957. He was an administrator in 

Page 194 

the interior Ministry of the GPRA (q.v.) when named its Ambassador to China. He 
died in a plane crash near Kiev while on his way to China. 


A report made by an investigatory commission of the French Senate under the 
chairmanship of the statesman Jules Ferry in 1891. Following a trip to Algeria, the 
commission proposed a greater equity concerning Muslim taxes, a slight increase in 
Muslim representation on departmental and municipal councils, and a number of 
reforms of local governments and courts to enhance their sensibilities toward 
Muslims. In general the report was critical of the colonial administration of Algeria. 
None of the reforms proposed, however, were immediately implemented (q.v. 
Clemenceau reforms). 

FILALI, ABDALLAH (1913-1957). 

Messalist loyalist (q.v. Messali Hadj). Born near Collo he lived mostly in Constantine 
where he was a painter. Filali joined the ENA (q.v.) and was a founding member of 
the PPA (q.v.). His activity in this party brought him to the attention of French colonial 
authorities who arrested him in 1937 and condemned him to a five-year prison term. 
After his release he continued his nationalist activity under the name of "Mansour." He 
was condemned to death for his role in the Setif (q.v.) uprising (May 1945). He eluded 
colonial authorities and became a leader of the MTLD (q.v.) Federation in France. 
During the War of Independence he worked in the UGTA (q.v.) and supported the 
MNA (q.v.). Given his attachment to Messali Hadj, he was targeted by the FLN (q.v.) 
and killed in 1957. 

FLATTERS, PAUL (1832-1881). 

French explorer. Flatters attended St.-Cyr and was a lieutenant in the Third Zouaves. 
Being an Arabist he served also in the Bureaux arabes (q.v.). He wrote Histoire 
ancienne du Nord de VAfrique avant le conquete des Arabes (1863) and Histoire de la 
geographie et 

Page 195 

geologie de la province de Constantine (1865). He became associated with the 
Transsaharian Committee and was charged to explore the possibility of building a 
railroad into the Sahara. On his second mission into the desert, his group was 
massacred by the Tuareg (q.v.). 

FRANCE (q.v. Introduction; Cooperation; De Gaulle; Emigrant Labor; Hydrocarbons; 

FRANCIS, AHMED (1911-1968). 

Moderate nationalist; revolutionary. Born in Algiers, Ahmed Francis was educated in 
French schools and became a medical doctor. He was a member of the UDMA (q.v.) 
and the Algerian Assembly (q.v. Statute of Algeria), but he subsequently joined the 
FLN (q.v.) during the War of Independence. He contributed to the internationalization 
of the war with his service in Scandinavia and Latin America. He was also a member 
of the CNRA (q.v.). Francis became the minister of finance and economic affairs in 
the GPRA (q.v.) (1958-1961) and kept this portfolio after independence in Ahmed Ben 
Bella's (q.v.) first government (1962-1963). He was also a member of the FLN (q.v.) 
delegation at the Evian Conference (q.v. Evian Accords). 


Informal language of Algiers during the Regency (q.v.). It is a combination of Arabic, 
Spanish, Turkish, Italian, and Provencal. 


This study was produced in 1957, and it complemented the conclusions of other 
reports (e.g., Maspetiol [q.v.]; Delavignette [q.v.]) concerning Algeria's social and 
economic condition. It claimed that financial resources were unavailable to raise the 
standard of living in French Algeria to match that of metropolitan France. 

FRENCH COLONIALISM (q.v. Introduction). 

Page 196 


The Legion was established in 1831 by a decree by King Louis Philippe (q.v.). It was 
headquartered at Sidi-Bel- Abbes where over the years approximately 350,000 
Legionnaires were trained and disciplined. The Legion regarded Algeria as its home. 
While the Legion distinguished itself for its bravery in many of France's modern 
conflicts, its reputation (and romance) was discredited by open mutiny and refusal to 
obey directives from Paris during the Algerian War of Independence. The 
participation of its crack 1st REP (airborne regiment) in the April 1961 coup attempt 
led to this proud unit's disbanding on orders from President Charles de Gaulle (q.v.). 


Berber opposition party. Led by Hocine Ait Ahmed (q.v.) the FFS represents 
essentially Kabyle (q.v.) interests. The FFS was established in 1963 by Ait Ahmed and 
Mohand ou el Hadj (q.v.). It resisted Ahmed Ben Bella's (q.v.) authoritarianism and 
eventually incited a Kabyle rebellion against the central government in late 1963. The 
FFS became ineffective when Mohand ou el Hadj, affected by the conflict along the 
Algeria-Morocco border (q.v. Border War), decided to reconcile with Ben Bella's 
government. Ait Ahmed was captured and condemned to death. His sentence was 
commuted to life imprisonment. In July 1966, he escaped from prison and went into 
exile in France and Switzerland. He returned to Algeria in December 1989. The FFS 
was legalized as a result of the new electoral reforms (enacted in 1989). 

The FFS's failure to participate actively in local elections in June 1990 (q.v.) was 
regarded as a political mistake by many observers and contributed to the unanticipated 
great success of the FIS. It did, however, campaign during the national elections of 
June and December 1991 (q.v.). After the startling FIS success in December's first 
round (the FFS won 26 seats), Ait Ahmed tried to rally democratic forces 

Page 197 

before the second round to impress the expected eventual FIS parliamentary majority 
that there would be considerable opposition to an Islamist state. The January 1992 
overthrow of President Chadli Benjedid (q.v.) and the establishment of the High 
Council of State (HCS) drew the FFS's protest. It remains in opposition to the HCS. 

FRONT ISLAMIQUE DU SALUT (FIS) (Islamic Salvation Front). 

Leading Islamist party. An Islamist movement had developed in the 1980s and was 
influenced in several directions. The Islamic Republic of Iran with its anti- West 
positions had a profound effect. In addition, Shaykh Abdelatif Sultani and particularly 
Shaykh Ahmed Sahnoun attracted disaffected youth. Abassi Madani (q.v.), a sociology 
professor at the University of Algiers, played a particularly influential role. Finally, 
Mustapha Bouiali (q.v.) organized violent opposition to the FLN (q.v.) establishment. 
The FIS's history disclosed this contemporary Islamist legacy. 

The FIS was organized by Abbasi Madani and Ali Benhadj (q.v.). (< Shaykh Sahnoun 
questioned the timing of its formation.) It was legalized on September 12, 1989; the 
High Council of State (HCS) (q.v.) declared it an illegal party in February 1992. 

During this period the FIS gained world attention for its Islamist positions, both 
religious and populist, and especially its astonishing electoral successes (q.v. Elections 
of June 1990; December 1991). In general, the FIS was very critical of the FLN and 
also Western values. Its Islamist positions were criticized by women's groups and 
academics. This movement was quite moderate, however, when compared with the 
Shi'a in the Mashriq and Iran. The FIS attracted many Algerians, especially the 
disillusioned, alienated youth. A group within the FIS inspired by Benhadj became 
much more militant. There were also incidents involving the FIS's own "Islamic 
police," which monitored Muslim practices. 

Page 198 

The FIS claimed to have 3 million members and had been particularly helpful in 
providing social services such as transportation and health care. It disclosed its 
political strength during June 1990 elections (q.v.) when it enjoyed spectacular success 
in regional elections (winning 850 out of 1,541 municipal councils). Though the 
locally controlled areas by the FIS had some administrative problems, in general, the 
fear of dramatic and radical change did not take place. 

In spite of its electoral success, there was dissension within the movement. Madani 
was regarded as an algerianiste , or a believer that Algeria itself could become an 
Islamic republic. Benhadj was an anti- algerianiste (or a salafiyiste)contQndmg that 
Algeria must become part of a Pan-Islamic community. There were also reports of an 
undercurrent of opposition to Madani's authoritarian control of the FIS. 

The elections of June 1991 (q.v.) were tainted by eleventh hour gerrymandering by the 
FLN. The FIS called not only for redrawn constituency borders but also for 
presidential with parliamentary elections. The call for a protest through a general 
strike failed (in part because FIS's youthful supporters were unemployed). The arrest 
of Madani and Benhadj on June 30, 1991, after the protracted violence concerning the 
national electoral process (the leadership of the FIS threatened "holy war") was a 
severe blow to the FIS. Nevertheless, even without its leaders, the party managed to 
focus itself quickly before the December elections (it was generally believed that FIS 
would boycott the rescheduled elections) and gained an impressive victory in the first 
round (188 out of 232 seats). The prospects of a FIS-controlled government caused 
the coup against President Chadli Benjedid (q.v.). The replacement of his government 
by the HCS led to severe repression of the FIS, including the arrest and internment of 
prominent FIS leaders. (Disturbing reports of conditions in desert internment camps 
drew international protest.) The declaration on February 9 that the FIS was an 

Page 199 

illegal party provoked more violent protest between Islamists and police forces. The 
moderate sentences of Madani and Benhadj (12 years each for sedition) announced on 
July 15, 1992, have failed to mollify the "radical" Muslims. The FIS was also held 
responsible (televised confessions) for the August 1992 bombing at the Houari 
Boumedienne (Algiers) Airport that killed nine people. Prime Minister Belaid 
Abdesselam (q.v.) has pursued a determined policy to dismantle the FIS's residual 
infrastructure. A prominent algerianiste named Rabah Kebir wants to organize an 
Islamist government in exile. Algeria remains in a wrenching condition verging on 
civil war. Indeed the Mouvement Islamique Arme (MIA) (q.v.), a militant organization 
linked to the FIS, has been in conflict with the HCS's security forces (approximately 
200 to 400 dead in 1992). 

There were other Islamic party competitors to the FIS such as El Oumma (The Islamic 
community) led by Ben Youssef Ben Khedda (q.v.), El Nahda (the Renaissance Party) 
led by Abdallah Djaballah, the Mouvement pour la Cite Islamique , Hezbollah , Parti 
dUnite Arabe Islamique-Democratique (PUAID) led by Nourredine Boukrouh, 
Hamas (moderate party) led by Mahfoud Nahnah, and E Alliance Islamique 

FRONT DE LIBERATION NATIONALE (FLN) (National Liberation Front). 

The FLN was the only legal party in independent Algeria until recent reforms (1989). 

It was founded by the CRUA (q.v.), which launched the War of Independence 
(National Liberation). The primary aim in creating the FLN was to gather all 
nationalists into one organization that would direct the revolution and gain 
independence for Algeria. In its "Proclamation" (q.v.) circulated during the October 
31-November 1, 1954 outbreak, the FLN declared its aims to be the establishment of a 
sovereign Algerian state. By 1956 all major nationalist groups, with the exception of 
MNA (q.v.) supporters of 

Page 200 

Messali Hadj (q.v.), had joined the FLN. Among its members were former supporters 
of the MTLD (q.v.), UDMA (q.v.), Association of Reformist Algerian Ulama (q.v.), 
and many Communists (q.v. Algerian Communist Party [PCA]). 

At the Soummam Congress of August 1956 (q.v.), the FLN declared itself the sole 
representative of the Algerian nation. It also created institutions to wage the war 
against the French (CCE [q.v.]; CNRA [q.v.]). In 1958, the CCE created the GPRA 
( Gouvernement Provisoire de la Republique Algerienne)(q.\.) whose first president 
was Ferhat Abbas (q.v.). The FLN also conducted negotiations with the French 
resulting in the Evian Accords (q.v.). 

The FLN was criticized for not mobilizing the people socially and economically. The 
FLN could pursue only political independence for a variety of reasons. Elite 
dissension and division stemming from the FLN's heterogeneous (political and ethnic) 
membership prevented the articulation of a comprehensive ideology, except one on 
which all concurred: the elimination of French colonialism. The prospect of having 
hundreds of thousands of European settlers in postcolonial Algeria also qualified 
ideological development. Furthermore, the Algerian nationalists controlled little 
Algerian territory, which inhibited the initiation of a genuine complementary social 
revolution (like that of Amilcar Cabral's Partido Africano da Independecia da Guine e 
Cabo Verde [PAIGC] in Guinea-Bissau). It can be argued that a national solidarity was 
achieved in Algerian refugee camps in Morocco and especially Tunisia. 

The proclamation of independence (July 1962) that followed final negotiations 
between France and the FLN at Evian (March) was immediately followed by a power 
struggle among party leaders, which was won by Ahmed Ben Bella (q.v.) and Houari 
Boumedienne (q.v.). The FLN retained an important role in the government of the 
Algerian state through the party's Political Bureau. In 1963 all parties 

Page 201 

except the FLN were declared illegal. This action and the military takeover (coup) in 
June 1965 (q.v.) led to the party's political stagnation and corruption. Boumedienne's 
efforts failed to revivify the party through institutional changes (e.g., Party Secretariat) 
and political mobilization (e.g., debate over the National Charter [q.v.]). When Chadli 
Benjedid (q.v.) came to power, he manipulated the membership of the Political Bureau 
and the Central Committee to eliminate potential rivals. The FLN became more a 
bureaucracy than an avant-garde political party sensitive to the needs of the people. 

After the October 1988 riots (q.v.), Benjedid replaced the unpopular Mohamed Cherif 
Messaadia (q.v.) with Abdelhamid Mehri (q.v.) as head of the Permanent Secretariat 
of the Central Committee. Then on November 28-30, 1988, the FLN convened its third 
Extraordinary Congress where delegates demanded the replacement of the Central 
Committee (120 to 160 full members and 30 to 40 alternate members) by secret ballot. 
President Benjedid initiated this action to stimulate reform. The result was that the 
Central Committee was enlarged to 267 members (but also included anti-Benjedidists 
such as Yahiaoui [q.v.], Abdesselam [q.v.], Taleb Ibrahimi [q.v.], and Bouteflika 
[q.v.]), though most of the old members kept their positions. President Benjedid was 
now regarded as "Head (or President) of the FLN." 

The new Constitution (February 1989) (q.v.) and subsequent July legislation ended the 
FLN's monopoly of power by permitting legal opposition parties. The FLN was 
shaken by Kasdi Merbah's (q.v.) defection, Rabah Bitaf s (q.v.) resignation, and 
internal disintegration over the course of reform, the declining economy, and the 
pressures placed upon it by new opposition parties, especially the FIS (q.v.) (given its 
success in the June 1990 elections [q.v.]). In addition, the FLN remained beset with 
chronic factionalism. (Merbah's MAJD may be the first of other FLN-splinter parties.) 
Some observers believed, however, that if the June 

Page 202 

1991 elections (q.v.) would have taken place, the FLN would have won them. Yet this 
interpretation was questionable given the astounding FIS success in the December 
1991 elections (q.v.). 

In general the FLN has lost its reputation, its moral legitimacy (given the October 1988 
violence), and, above all, its social sensibilities (given the blatant privileges enjoyed 
by party members). In June 1991, President Benjedid resigned as president of the 
FLN. (He had been criticized by the FIS that he was president of a party not a 
country.) After the establishment of the Higher Council of State (HCS) (q.v.) the FLN 
membership seemed split over the issue of supporting or opposing the new 
government. (The FLN officially opposed the cancellation of elections.) With its 
technocratic and military links, the FLN remains a powerful organization and 
influence in Algerian political life. In spite of the criticism leveled against it, and its 
repudiation in local and national elections, the future of Algeria will still be 
determined significantly by past and present FLN members. 


Muslim scholar. He influenced the Aghlabid (q.v.) amirs and introduced Malikism 
(q.v.). One of his devout followers was Shanun, a renowned theologian and a strict 

Page 203 



An ancient nomadic people who inhabited the southern slopes of the Atlas range and 
the Saharan borderlands. This tribe stretched from the Atlantic to southern Tunisia. 
Their horse-drawn chariots were probably adopted from the Greeks of Cyrenaica. 
Gaetulian culture has been disclosed by rock engravings in Saharan wadi valleys. As 
cavalry allies of Jugurtha (q.v.), they first fought Rome 111 to 106 B.C. After a major 
defeat by a Roman army under the command of Lentulus Cossus in A.D. 6, they 
acknowledged Roman control. Afterward, they served as auxiliaries in the Roman 

GAISERIC (also GENSERIC) (389-477). 

Vandal king of North Africa (428-477). He was the son of Goigisebus and a slave. 
After conquering territory in Lusitania, he led his army into Africa in 429. Aided by 
the Berbers and the Donatists (q.v.), he conquered much of Numidia (modern Tunisia 
and eastern Algeria). In 435, he entered into the Treaty of Hippo Regius, establishing 
an alliance with the Roman Emperor of the West Valentinian III. A second treaty in 
442 recognized Gaiseric's sovereignty. In 455, when the usurper Maximus murdered 
Valentinian, Gaiseric marched on Rome and sacked it. Pope Leo had intervened 
successfully against Attila in 452, and he tried to limit Gaiseric's activities to looting 
rather than massacring. Gaiseric returned to North Africa with Valentinian's Empress 
and two daughters; one of them was Eudoxia who was betrothed to Huneric (q.v.), 
Gaiseric's son and heir. After an extended period of hostility with the Eastern Roman 
emperors, Gaiseric concluded a treaty of peace with that empire in 476, whereby the 
Vandal Kingdom received its formal recognition. Gaiseric's offers of plunder and 
booty allowed him to exercise considerable influence over Numidian and Mauretanian 
tribes beyond his direct control. His heretical Arianism against the established Church 
also permitted Donatism to reassert itself. 

Page 204 


Last Vandal King of North Africa (520-534). He rose to power over his brother 
Hilderic (q.v) with the assistance of the army, but refused to acknowledge the 
Byzantine (q.v.) Emperor Justinian (q.v.). Defeated by Justinian's armies under 
Belisarius at the Battles of Decimum and Tricamarum in 533, he fled to the protection 
of the Berbers (q.v.). He was eventually captured by the Byzantines and sent to 
Constantinople. Shortly afterward, he took up residence in Galatia. 


This refers to writers who were contemporary to Algeria's decolonization and who 
used liberation as a theme in their writings. The most prominent members of the 
"generation" were Yacine Kateb (q.v.), Mohammed Dib (q.v.), Mouloud Mammeri 
(q.v.), and Mouloud Feraoun (q.v.). 


Important family of Sanhaja Berbers who attempted to restore Almoravid (q.v.) rule to 
the Maghrib during the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. The name is derived from an 
Almoravid princess married to the head of the family, Ali bn Yusuf. Two of Ali's 
grandsons, Ali ibn Ghaniya and Yahya, were involved in campaigns around Bejafa, 
Constantine, and Algiers. Their efforts eventually failed given the strength of 
Almohad (q.v.) forces. 


President of the Amicale des Algeriens en Europ ^ambassador. Gheraieb was president 
of the Amicale from 1968 to 1978. This period was particularly important because it 
included the stoppage of Algerian emigration to France and, in particular, heightened 
violence against the emigrant community, as illustrated by the shocking murder of a 
caretaker at the Amicale in Paris (December 1977). Gheraieb as the Amicale' s president 
was viewed as being in Algeria's second most powerful position 

Page 205 

in France after the ambassador. He also served as an ambassador to particularly 
sensitive countries, given his appointments to Iran in 1981 and Lebanon in 1984. 

GHOZALI, SID-AHMED (b. 1937). 

Director-general; ambassador; prime minister. Ghozali was born in Marnia and 
attended the Ecole des Ponts et Chausees in Paris. He became under secretary of state 
for public works and then served with distinction as director-general of SONATRACH 
from 1966 to 1977. He was minister of energy form 1977 to 1979 and then minister of 
hydraulics for several months (1979). Ghozali lost influence and office with the arrival 
of the Chadli Benjedid (q.v.) presidency, given his close links with Houari 
Boumedienne (q.v.), and because of the failure of the El Paso contract (q.v. 
Hydrocarbons). He was restored to prominence through the Foreign Ministry as 
ambassador to Belgium. Ghozali served in Kasdi Merbah's (q.v.) cabinet as finance 
minister and concluded Algeria's first agreement with the International Monetary 
Fund. In September 1989 Prime Minister Mouloud Hamrouche (q.v.) selected Ghozali 
to be foreign minister. When violent protests rocked Algeria during the first scheduled 
national elections (June 1991), President Benjedid selected Ghozali as prime minister. 
This appointment was viewed in part as a symbolic gesture to the Boumedienne 
faction as a means to reconcile and unify the FLN (q.v.). Nevertheless, he distanced 
himself from the Boumedienne faction as he promoted the liberalization of the 
Algerian economy. 

Ghozali was probably aware of plotting against Benjedid, which resulted in the 
January 1992 coup that inaugurated the High Council of State (HCS) under Mohamed 
Boudiaf (q.v.). Boudiaf and Ghozali had strained relations, though both agreed upon 
the need to build an Algerian consensus for political and economic reform. The prime 
minister announced sweeping economic liberalization plans in February 1992. Given 
Boudiaf s age and his symbolic presence as 

Page 206 

president of the HCS, Ghozali appeared well placed for an eventual presidential bid. 
The assassination of Boudiaf (June 1992) had a significant political and personal 
effect on Ghozali. He was shaken by the tragic death and was replaced in July as 
prime minister by Belaid Abdesselam (q.v.), who had been his patron during the 
Boumedienne period. He was then appointed Ambassador to France. 


French administrative system of conquered portions of Algeria that was created on 
July 22, 1834. At the time, France controlled only the cities Algiers (q.v.), Oran (q.v.), 
Bejai'a (q.v.), Bone (Annaba [q.v.]), and their immediate hinterlands. 

(Provisional Government of the Algerian Republic), 1958-1962 (q.v. Appendices). 

The GPRA was proclaimed in Cairo on September 19, 1958, by the FLN (q.v.) in 
response to the arrival of General Charles de Gaulle to power to revitalize the 
nationalists after suffering severe losses in 1957. The FLN also viewed the GPRA as a 
means to attract more international attention. 

Omar Ouamrane (q.v.), a veteran fighter and comrade of Belkacem Krim (q.v.), has 
been credited as being an important catalyst to the GPRA's formation after writing a 
powerful and inspiring memorandum about the need to reinvigorate the nationalist 
movement. The GPRA's first president was Ferhat Abbas (q.v.), who was followed in 
August 1961 by Ben Youssef Ben Khedda (q.v.). The GPRA concluded the Evian 
Accords (q.v.) in March 1962, but soon faced opposition headed by Ahmed Ben Bella 
(q.v.) and Houari Boumedienne (q.v.) and their Political Bureau (q.v.). The GPRA lost 
the struggle for postcolonial power in the summer of 1962. 

Page 207 

GREKI, ANNA (1931-1966) (Colette Anna Gregoire). 

Poet. Greki was born in Batna. She became a member of the PCA (q.v. Algerian 
Communist Party). Greki was arrested in March 1957, then tortured and imprisoned at 
the infamous Barberousse prison in Algiers. She was sent to an internment camp and 
then deported in 1958. After the war she returned to Algiers and taught in the Lycee 
Abdelkader. She died during childbirth. 

Greki's poetry is among the best of the war period as disclosed in Algerie, capitale 
Alger (1963; Arabic and French); and the posthumous collection Temps fort (1966). 


An organization of developing countries (now well over 100 countries) that meet 
occasionally and lobby the developed world concerning economic issues. The general 
theme of the group's meetings is an appeal for a new economic order between the 
developed North and the developing South. Algeria played a leading role in this 
organization, especially during the Houari Boumedienne (q.v.) presidency. 


Organization formed in the French Chamber of Deputies in 1912 to obtain reforms in 
the status of Algerian Muslims. It was formed under the leadership of Georges 

Page 208 


EL-HACHEMI, HAMOUD (d. 1954). 

Nationalist; revolutionary. Killed early in the War of Independence, El-Hachemi had 
been active in the PPA (q.v.), the OS (q.v.), the MTLD (q.v.), and the FLN (q.v.). He 
was an early partisan of armed rebellion, and along with Salah Mai'za and Mostefa Ben 
Boulaid (q.v.) he tried to reconcile the Centralists and the Messalists (q.v. Messali 
Hadj) in the MTLD. 


Muqaddam of the Rahmaniyya order and a leader of the (Great) Kabyle Revolt of 
1871-1872 (q.v.). The Rahmaniyya (q.v.) order had resisted French incursions into 
Kabylia (q.v.) in the 1850s and 1860s. Along with his son al-Aziz (Si Aziz), he joined 
in the revolt begun by al-Muqrani (q.v.) in 1871. Al-Haddad was captured and 
imprisoned. He died in an infirmary. 

HADDAD, MALEK (1927-1978). 

Writer. Haddad was born in Constantine and attended secondary school there. He later 
enrolled at the University of Aix-en-Provence. After a career as a journalist (for the 
PCA's [q.v. Algerian Communist Party] Alger republicain; Liberte)and a free-lance 
writer, he published a number of books. His works include two collections of poetry, 
Le Malheur en danger (1956) and Ecoute et je t'appelle (1961), and four novels, La 
Derniere impression (1958), Je t'offrirai une gazelle (1959), LEleve et la leqon 
(1960), and Le Quai aux fleurs ne repond plus (1961). All of Haddad's works are 
clearly marked by the themes of native land, exile, and commitment. Haddad once 
said: "The French language is my exile," which indicated how colonialism had 
affected him. He could not write in Arabic. 

During the War of Independence, Haddad served the FLN (q.v.) on missions to the 
USSR, Egypt, and India. After the war he returned to Constantine and was an editor 
of Al-Nasr/An-Nasr (1965-1968) and from April 1968 to 1972 

Page 209 

he held the position of director of culture to the Ministry of Information and Culture. 
He played a prominent role in organizing the First Colloquium on National Culture 
(May 31-June 3, 1968) and the First Pan- African Cultural Festival in Algiers (July 
1969). In 1974 he became secretary of the new Union des Ecrivains algeriens. 

HADDAM, CHEIKH (Shaykh)TEDJlNl (b. 1921). 

Minister; ambassador, Rector of Paris Mosque; member of High Council of State 
(HCS). Tedjini (usually referred to rather than Haddam) was born in Tlemcen (q.v.) 
and was very well educated. He studied in Tunis and holds doctorates in medicine and 
theology. He is multilingual (Arabic, French, English, and German). Tedjini has taught 
at the University of Algiers. 

During the War of Independence, he served with the external FLN in Cairo (1956- 
1957). He presided over the Constitution Committee in 1962 and then began his career 
as a minister, holding the portfolios of Religious Affairs in 1964 and Health in 1965- 
1966. Tedjini entered diplomatic service and was ambassador to Tunisia (1970-1975) 
and Saudi Arabia (1982-1986). In May 1989 he was appointed to head the Paris 
Mosque, a powerful and influential post. Tedjini has also been president of the Family 
Planning Committee and was a founding member of the Algerian League of Human 
Rights. In January 1992, he became a member of the High Council of State (HCS) 
after the deposal of President Chadli Benjedid (q.v.). The inclusion of the prestigious 
Shaykh in the HCS was probably meant to temper political anxieties. 

HADJ ALI, BACHIR (1923-1991) (q.v. Algerian Communist Party [PCA]). 

PCA secretary-general. Hadj Ali was born in Algiers's Casbah. He became a member 
of the Communist Party's Central Committee for the Algiers region. In 1948 he 
became senior editor of Liberte , a party newspaper, and 

Page 210 

gained a seat on the Political Bureau. He also served as interim secretary as a 
replacement for Amar Ouzegane (q.v.). In 1949 Hadj Ali became secretary-general of 
the PCA. Arrested before the War of Independence, he negotiated indirectly (through 
Sadek Hadjeres [q.v.]) an accord with the FLN (q.v.). In 1961, he published an 
excellent collection of poems entitled Chants pour le onze decembre.HQ also wrote an 
essay entitled Notre peuple vaincra (1961) and published more poetry Que la joie 
demeure (1970). After the Houari Boumedienne (q.v.) coup of 1965, Hadj Ali joined 
the ORP. He was arrested in 1965 and kept in house arrest until 1971. He then left 
politics to devote more time to his poetry. 

HADJERES, SADEK (b. 1928) (q.v. Algerian Communist Party [PCA]). 

PCA and PAGS (q.v.) secretary-general; doctor. Hadjeres, a Kabyle (q.v.), was born in 
Larbaa Nath Iratten. He was a member of the Scouts Musulmans Algeriens of the 
Association of Reformist Ulama (q.v.). He joined the PPA(q.v.) in 1944. Hadjeres 
became an active member of AEMAN as treasurer, then secretary-general, and finally 
president. After the MTLD's (q.v.) "Berberist crisis" [q.v. MTLD), he joined the PCA 
in 1950. In 1952 Hadjeres became a member of the Central Committee, and in 1955 he 
rose to the Political Bureau. After the arrest of Bachir Hadj Ali (q.v.), Hadjeres became 
secretary-general of the clandestine PCA. He concluded the agreement with Ramdane 
Abane (q.v.), which affiliated PCA combattants de la Liberation to the ALN. 

Hadjeres eventually became the secretary-general of PAGS (q.v.), the PCA's 
ideological heir. His cousin was General Hachemi Hadjeres. 

HAMDANI, SMAIL (b. 1930). 

Lawyer; counselor; ambassador. Hamdani was born in Bordj-Bou-Arreridj and 
attended the University of Algiers and the University of Aix-en-Provence. He became 
a lawyer and served as charge d'affaires in Brussels (1963-1964) regarding Algerian - 


Page 2 1 1 

relations. He was then appointed director of juridical consular affairs of the Foreign 
Ministry (1964-1968). (Concurrently he was a technical counselor for the Ministry of 
Information.) Hamdani served as counselor, then secretary-general, to the President of 
the Council of the Revolution (q.v.) (i.e. President Houari Boumedienne [q.v.]) 
(19681977). He became secretary-general of the government and then became 
counselor to the Presidency of the Republic (i.e., President Chadli Benjedid [q.v.]) 
(1980-1983) before his selection as ambassador to the Scandinavian countries (1983). 
In 1984, he was chosen to the important post of Ambassador to Spain (an important 
LNG customer). 


Last great corsair captain of the Regency (q.v.). Son of a simple tailor, he advanced 
from cabin boy to rai’s before gaining command of the corsair fleet. His most famous 
exploits were aboard the Portekiza , a Portuguese frigate he dauntlessly captured in 
1802. He also commanded the frigate El Merikana (The American). Hamida sailed 
throughout the Mediterranean, raiding along the coasts of Portugal, Sicily, and Naples. 
He also ventured into the Atlantic. In part, he was able to do this because of Europe's 
preoccupation with the French Revolutionary and Napoleonic wars. Hamidou was 
sailing alone when he was engaged by a United States squadron in 1815 (q.v. Decatur) 
off the coast of Cape de Gata (Gatt). He was killed in the ensuing battle. 

HAMMAD, IBN BULUKKIN (BEN BULUGGIN) (eleventh century). 

Berber (q.v.) leader, founder of the Hammadid (q.v.) dynasty. His father, Bulukkin 
(q.v.), was the Zirid (q.v.) governor of the Maghrib under Fatimid (q.v.) Caliph al- 
Mu'izz. Upon the death of Bulukkin, he received the governorship of Ashir. He 
continued the war against the Zenata (q.v.), raising the siege of Ashir in 1005. When 
his suzerain attempted to deprive him of the governorship of 

Page 212 

Tidjis and Constantine (q.v.), he rebelled and probably declared himself a vassal of 
the Abbasids (q.v.) (the Fatimids' opponents). The war continued until 1017. The 
peace treaty led to the division of the Zirid realm as Hammad retained Mila, Tobna, the 
Zab, Ashir, and lands of the central Maghrib. 


Sanhaja Berber (q.v.) dynasty of the central Maghrib (1014-1152). Founded by 
Hammad ibn Bulukkin (q.v.), a relative of the Zirids (q.v.) (grandson of Ziri ibn 
Manad; uncle of the Zirid amir Badis [r. 996-1016]), the Hammadid dynasty reached 
its golden age at the beginning of the twelfth century under the rule of al-Nasir and al- 
Mansur. Their capital was at Qal'a in the Djebel Maadid north of the Chott el Hodna. 
By 1017, the Zirids reluctantly recognized Hammadid independence. An active rivalry 
ensued, which especially weakened the Zirids. 

After becoming suzerain of Algiers (q .v.), Milyana (Miliana), Nigaus, Hamza, and 
Constantine (q.v.), the Hammadid Amir al-Nasir attempted to extend his empire 
eastward. After his defeat at Sbeitla in 1064, he regained the offensive and extended 
his control to the Zab and as far as Wargla (Ouargla). During his reign, he expanded 
commercial opportunities for Italian traders at Bejai'a (q.v.) (founded by the 
Hammadids) and indirectly corresponded with Pope Gregory VII. His successor, al- 
Mansur moved the capital to Bejai'a (q.v.) after Hammadid territory was ravaged by the 
Banu (Bani) Hilal (q.v.), who had been allies against the Zirids. 

Bejaia became a cosmopolitan center and Hammadid power was regenerated. Al- 
Mansur took Tlemcen (q.v.) in 1103-1104 stopping the Almoravid (q.v.) advance. He 
also recovered Annaba (q.v.) and Constantine. His son al-'Aziz (r. 1104-1121) 
occupied Djerba (Jerba) and pushed the Arabs from the Hodna. Under Yahya (r. 1122- 
1152) Hammadid power ended. In 1136 the Genoese plundered 

Page 2 1 3 

Bejafa. Compounding this blow, restive Berber tribes challenged the weakened 
Hammadids. Finally, the Almohads (q.v.) invaded central Maghrib. Yahya surrendered 
to the Almohads in 1152 and died at Sale (1163). 


Prime minister. Hamrouche served in the ALN (q.v.). In 1979 he was appointed chief 
of protocol (1979-1984), secretary-general of the government (1984-1986), and then 
secretary-general of the Presidency of Chadli Benjedid (q.v.). He was selected by 
Benjedid to replace Kasdi Merbah (q.v.) as prime minister in September 1989. 
Hamrouche was charged with accelerating political, economic, and social reforms. 
This also meant reorganizing the FLN (q.v.) and neutralizing the influence of older 
members. His government received a serious blow as a result of the Islamist FIS's 
(q.v.) popularity and success in the local elections of June 1990 (q.v.). A year later, 
unrest before the June 1991 national legislative elections (q.v.) forced President 
Benjedid to replace Hamrouche with Sid Ahmed Ghozali (q.v.). Hamrouche has 
remained a leading figure in the FLN. 


Berber-Negroid people of the Sahara. The Haratin have been called the "Black 
Berbers." They usually performed agricultural tasks as sharecroppers at Saharan 
oases. They speak Arabic. 

HARBI, MOHAMMED (b. 1933). 

Nationalist; journalist. Harbi became a Messalist (q.v. Messali Hadj) as a teenager, 
serving in the PPA-MTLD (q.v.). He held the position of secretary-general of the 
Association des Etudiants nord-africains (AENA) in 1954. During the War of 
Independence, he joined the FLN (q.v.) and served in its Federation de France 
(FFFLN), an organization that aimed to politicize the emigrant worker population. In 
1961 he became the GPRA's ambassador to Guinea and acted as a consultant to the 

Page 214 

negotiations during that same year. He also became secretary-general of the Foreign 
Ministry (1961-1962). 

Harbi joined Ahmed Ben Bella's (q.v.) government as an adviser to the president and 
was editor of the FLN's Revolution africaine (1963-1964). He also contributed to the 
composition of the Charter of Algiers (q.v.). Harbi opposed Colonel Houari 
Boumedienne's (q.v.) coup, resulting in a five-year prison term without being brought 
to trial. He was then placed under house arrest until he was allowed to leave for 
France in 1973. 

While in exile, Harbi produced valuable works on Algerian history and nationalism, 
though it is important to keep in mind the author's historical relativism ( Aux origines 
du FLN: Le Populisme revolutionnaire en Algerie [ 1975]; Le FLN: Mirage et realite, 
des origines a la prise du pouvoir 1945-1962 [1980]). He also edited a book of 
documents on the revolution (many from his personal collection), which is entitled 
Les Archives de la Revolution algerienne (1981). 


Algerians who were loyal to France during the War of Independence. The word is 
derived from haraka (to move; derived noun is harakat, meaning military enterprise 
or operation). The French often mobilized collaborating native units during the 
colonial period. For example, they were deployed against Abd al-Qadir (q.v.) and 
even sent to the Rif War. An important rationale for General Maurice Challe's (q.v.) 
participation in the April 1961 revolt against the government was his fear that loyal 
Algerians were being betrayed. Many harkis perished in retributions after the War of 
Independence and suffered, too, in detention camps in spite of protective stipulations 
in the Evian Accords (q.v.). Those who managed to arrive in France found themselves 
victims of discrimination. They were often confused with emigrant workers rather 
than as French citizens who risked their lives, families, and homes to maintain French 
rule in Algeria. Many of the harkis were sent to live in remote 

Page 2 1 5 

relocation camps and stayed there for years. Among the most prominent harkis and an 
advocate for their rights was the Bachaga Benaissa Said Boualam (q.v.). In order to 
publicize their plight and express their frustration, harkis went on hunger strikes in the 
1970s and even kidnapped Algerian workers. Brahim Sadouni, a harki , walked from 
Rouen to Monte Cassino from May to July 1987 and was eventually received in 
December by Prime Minister Jacques Chirac. 

During his November 1983 visit to France, President Benjedid declared that "Algeria is 
not vengeful" and said that harki children would be welcome, but he acknowledged 
that adults posed security problems. After France issued a stamp in the late 1980s 
commemorating harki service, Algeria announced that mail with that particular 
postage attached would be returned. 

Like the Beurs (q.v. emigrant labor), the young people are suspended between their 
Algerian and French backgrounds. Their exasperation included violent protests in 
1991. The harkis want to realize the promise of integration within French society. 

There are approximately 450,000 French Muslims. 

HAROUN, MOHAMED ALI (b. 1927?). 

Lawyer; minister. Haroun was born in Birmandreis and served with the FLN (q.v.) 
during the War of Independence. After the war, he pursued a legal career (he is a 
doctor of law) and was a lawyer in the Supreme Court. Haroun became the minister of 
human rights in 1991. Haroun became a member of the High Council of State (HCS) 
(q.v.) in January 1992. Like his fellow member Haddam Tedjini (q.v.), Haroun's 
presence on the HSC, given his human rights background, appeared to reduce fears 
concerning the new government's intentions. 

HASAN AGHA (HAS SAN/HAS SEN AGHA) (1536-1543/44?/ 49?). 

Khalifa of Khayr al-Din (q.v.) in Algiers (q.v.). Born in Sardinia, Hasan was taken 
prisoner by Khayr al-Din and 

Page 2 1 6 

placed among his eunuchs. When Khayr al-Din was summoned to Constantinople in 
1536 by Sultan Suleiman (the Magnificent), he placed Hasan in control of the Regency 
(q.v.). Hasan launched strikes into Spain to protect the persecuted Muslim population. 
This led to the retributive attack on Algiers by Charles V (q.v.) in 1541, which was an 
utter failure. Hasan extended Turkish power to Biskra (q.v.) and the Ziban and 
continued his conflict with Spain by assaulting its North African enclaves (e.g., Mers 
el-Kebir). Both sides also confronted one another over Tlemcen (q.v.) and 
Mostaganem. By the time of his death, Hasan succeeded in securing and strengthening 
the Regency. Some sources relate that he lived quietly as a private citizen until 1549 
after falling from power in disgrace. 

HASAN BABA (d. 1683). 

Corsair captain. Hasan Baba took part in the revolt of 1671 that replaced power of 
aghas with <7qys.When his father-in-law, the Dey Hajj Muhammad, fled to Tripoli 
upon learning of the approaching French fleet, Hasan Baba seized power (1682). He 
withstood the bombardment (q.v. Algiers) by Admiral Duquesne's ships from August 
26 to September 12. When Duquesne returned in 1683 to renew the assault, Hasan 
Baba agreed to negotiate and turned over hostages, among them his rival Husayn rai's 
("Mezzomorto "/"Mezzo Morto") (q.v.). When Husayn was allowed to return to shore 
to expedite an indemnity settlement, he plotted with other rais ; which led to the murder 
of Hasan. Hasan was succeeded as Dey by Husayn. 


Bey of Oran (1817-1831). Prior to becoming 6qy,he had served as an army cook and 
merchant. As 6qy,he kept Abd al-Qadir (q.v.) and his father under house arrest at 
Oran from 1824 to 1826. Unlike Ahmad Bey (q.v.) or Dey Husayn (q.v.), Hasan did 
not organize a military resistance when the French took over the city in 1831. Hasan 
moved to Algiers and then to Alexandria. He died in Mecca. 

Page 2 1 7 

HASSAN CORSO (HASSEN) (sixteenth century). 

Regency (q.v.) leader. Hassan was of Corsican heritage and a popular and effective 
Turkish commander. He distinguished himself in campaigns in western Algeria against 
the Moroccans and Spanish. He recaptured Mostaganem and also installed a 
permanent Turkish governor in Tlemcen (q.v.). Hassan nearly took Oran (q.v.) from 
the Spanish, but he was ordered to withdraw by the Sultan, who needed Algerian 
support in the eastern Mediterranean. 

Hassan briefly headed the Regency (1556-1557) after the death of Salah Rais (q.v.). 
When Istanbul sent a new Beylerbey,TokQr\i , Janissaries forbade the new appointee to 
enter Algiers. This was an indication of their support for Hassan Corso. Nevertheless, 
Tekerli conspired with the rais and members of the Ojak and managed to enter 
Algiers. Hassan was captured and impaled at the Bab Azoun gate. Tekerli himself was 
soon assassinated by members of the Ojaq. 

Khalifa of Algiers (1544-1546; Beylerbey 1546-1551; 1557-1561; 1562-1567). Hassan 
Pasha was the son of Khayr al-Din (q.v.). Hassan organized two campaigns (1544; 
1546) to take Tlemcen (q.v.) from the influence of the Spanish. Upon the death of his 
father, Hassan became Beylerbey.Ue engaged the Moroccans after their seizure of 
Tlemcen (q.v.) (1550/1551). He retook the city in 1552. As a result of intrigues, he was 
summoned to Constantinople in 1552 but was sent back in 1557. He returned to defeat 
the Moroccans at Tlemcen (1557) and devastated the Spanish in battle on August 26, 
1558, relieving the siege of Mostaganem. In an effort to gain Turkish control over 
Kabylia (q.v.), he successfully enrolled Kabyles (q.v.) against the Moroccans (after a 
politically strategic marriage). Further efforts were delayed again by intrigues as 
Hassan was seized by Janissaries and returned to Istanbul in chains (1561). 

Page 2 1 8 

Returning to Algiers the following year, he reestablished himself. He failed to dislodge 
the Spanish from Oran (q.v.) and Mers el-Kebir in April 1567. The Sultan called him 
to service in the continuing siege of Malta, and in 1567, like his father, he took 
command of the Ottoman fleet with the title of Captain Pasha. He left the Regency to 
the very competent Eulj Ali (q.v.). 


Regency (q.v.) raA. Hassan was a lieutenant of Eulj Ali (q.v.). He was named 
Veneziano because he had been a ship's writer on a Venetian vessel seized by Dragut 
(q.v.). Miguel de Cervantes, the author of Don Quixote , Man of Glass, and so on, was 
his slave and provided a vivid description of the Regency (q.v.) leader. Hassan ruled 
the Regency as Pasha in 1577 to 1580 and then later controlled the ta'ifa of the 
corsairs from 1582 to 1588, during which time he was actual ruler of Algiers (q.v.). He 
was named Captain Pasha of the Ottoman fleet after the death of Eulj Ali. 


Umayyad governor. Hassan recaptured Carthage from the Byzantines in 698 and 
defeated al-Kahina (q.v.) in 702. He then organized Ifriqiya. 


Government established in January 1992. After forcing the resignation of President 
Chadli Benjedid (q.v), a High Security Council soon named itself the High Council of 
State (HCS). Though a collective executive (q.v. Appendices), it does have a 
president. As of this writing, General Khaled Nezzar (q.v.), commander of the military, 
was the most powerful member in the HCS. 

Its first President was Mohamed Boudiaf (q.v.), who served from January until his 
assassination in June 1992. He 

Page 2 1 9 

was succeeded by Ali Kafi (q.v.). Under Boudiaf, a consultative rather than legislative 
Conseil Consultatif National (CCN) was inaugurated in April. The HCS has faced the 
determined opposition of alienated Islamists, frustrated by the HCS's cancellation of 
national elections (q.v. Elections of December 1991 ; Front Islamique du Salut), wh ich 
would have given the FIS power. That frustration has resulted in arrests, internment 
camps, and violence. In addition, the HCS faces the opposition of political parties. It 
has also been critical to the press, which continues as of this writing to exercise a 
tempered freedom. The HCS has expressed its desire to conduct elections in a secure 
political environment. Today that wish seems wistful given the wrenching political 
conditions of contemporary Algeria. 

HILDERIC (463-533?). 

A Vandal (q.v.) king of North Africa (523-530). He was half Roman (by Eudoxia, q.v. 
Gaiseric; Huneric) and apparently spent much of his youth in Constantinople. Upon 
his accession to the throne, he extended religious freedom to those Christians who his 
predecessors had persecuted. This contributed to contentious relations with Theodoric 
the Ostrogoth. Theodoric's death prevented the launching of a military expedition 
against the Vandals. Hilderic also tried to keep close relations with the Eastern Roman 
(Byzantine) Emperor Justinian (q.v.), whom he knew personally. His reign divided the 
Vandal state and the court, and his family was upset over the exchange of expensive 
gifts to Justinian. Hilderic was deposed by the Vandal army in May 530 and succeeded 
by Gelimer. 

HIPPO REGIUS (q.v. Annaba). 


Name applied to the nine nationalists who headed the CRUA and who were most 
closely associated with the outbreak of the War of Indepen- 

Page 220 

dence (National Liberation) in November 1954. The group was divided into three 
external members Ahmed Ben Bella (q.v.), Hocine Ait Ahmed (q .v.), and Mohammed 
Khider (q.v.)who were to supply the internal members, taking positions of political 
and military leadership in Algeria itselfMohamed Boudiaf (q.v.), Mostefa Ben Boulaid 
(q.v.), Mourad Didouche (q.v.), Belkacem Krim (q.v.), Rabah Bitat (q.v.), and Larbi 
Ben MHidi (q.v.). There is some argument among scholars concerning the decisive 
importance of the "Historic Leaders" in launching the revolution. Another 
interpretation is that the honor should go to the Committee of Twenty- two, since the 
core of the CRUA (q.v.) was this Committee. 


Diplomat; minister. Houhou was the longtime director of French Affairs at the Foreign 
Ministry from the crucial years 1962-1971. This period saw the initiation and 
implementation of cooperation (q.v.) policies. He then served as Ambassador to 
Canada (1971-1974) and to Egypt (1974-1977). He was appointed minister of youth 
and sports (1977-1982). He also became a member of the FLN's Central Committee 
(1979). During the height of French- Algerian "codevelopment" under Mitterrand 
(q.v.), Houhou served as ambassador in Paris (19821984) before becoming minister of 
health in 1984. 

HOUHOU, REDA (1911-1956). 

Writer. Born near Biskra (q.v.), Houhou was the son of a pious and traditional family. 
He joined the Association of Reformist Ulama (q.v.) after World War II. In 1956, he 
was taken hostage by the French authorities in Constantine (q.v.) after the 
assassination of the police chief and was shot by the colonialist commando group, the 
"Red Hand." Houhou's works include The Beauty of Mecca (1947), With Hakim's Ass 
(1953), The Inspiring Woman (1954), and Human Types (1955). Houhou was a keen 
observer of life in Algeria and was a critic of colonialism. 

Page 22 1 

HUNERIC (HUNNERIC) (d. 484). Vandal (q.v.) king of North Africa (477-484). 

He was the eldest son of Gaiseric (q.v.). Sent to the court of the Roman emperor of 
the West as a hostage (435), he was married to the daughter of Emperor Valentinian III 
in 455. During his reign, he led the defense against marauding Berbers (q.v.) and 
suppressed a revolt in the Aures (q. v.), which became a chronic threat to the Vandal 
kings. Arianism was championed, and Catholics were often persecuted severely. 


Last Dey of Algiers (1818-1830). Born in Izmir, Husayn was well educated. He served 
as tribute collector for the Regency (q.v.) before his elevation. Surviving assassination 
attempts by Janissaries and local rebellions during his reign, he was able to establish 
relative calm by the late 1820s. He also sent a fleet to participate in the unsuccessful 
suppression of the Greek Revolution. He built two mosques in the Casbah and rebuilt 
the Jami Safir mosque. His trouble largely resulted from his encounters with European 
governments in which he refused to compromise the honor of the Regency (q.v.). For 
example, Husayn ignored the decision by the Congress of Aix-la-Chapelle (1819), 
which called for the abolition of privateering. His expulsion of the British consul led 
to the bombardment of Algiers by a British fleet in June 1824. Poor relations with 
France concerning a commercial debt owed to the Regency was compounded by the 
Dey's striking or tapping the French consul Pierre Deval with a fly whisk in April 
1827. This led to a blockade of the Algerian coast by a French fleet (q.v. Introduction; 
Charles X). Discussions between France and the Regency failed to settle differences. 
King Charles X decided in 1830 to dispatch an expedition, which also served as a 
diversion from his unpopular domestic policies. After the defeat of the Dey's forces, 
Husayn capitulated on July 5 and left for Italy. He eventually settled and died in 

Page 222 

HUSAYN PASHA, HADJIDJI (known as "MEZZOMORTO") (d. 1701). 

Algerian rai's ; Jqy.Mezzomorto may have been born in Majorca, but he first appears as 
a famous corsair commander in 1674. At the time of the French bombardment of 
Algiers (1683), he served as a hostage from the Dey to the French. Upon his return to 
Algiers, he led a rebellion against Dey Hasan Baba (q.v.), had him executed, and 
succeeded him. In 1684 he negotiated a peace with the French. Hostilities were soon 
renewed, and the French again bombarded Algiers in 1688. This time Husayn 
responded by conducting a series of raids along the French coasts and marauding 
French shipping. Before receiving the appointment as Captain Pasha of the Ottoman 
fleet in 1689, internal strife forced him to flee from Algiers to Tunis. He later refitted 
and strengthened the Ottoman fleet. 

HYDROCARBONS (q.v. Appendices). 

This is Algeria's most strategic and wealthy sector. Large natural gas and oil fields 
were discovered by French companies from 1954 to 1956, especially at Hassi R'Mel 
and Hassi Messaoud. This was an important find for France politically and 
psychologically (given the prestige of the Anglo-American Cartel). The promise of 
hydrocarbon wealth provided a very powerful rationale for holding on to Algeria. For 
example, the Organisation Commune des Regions Sahariennes (OCRS) was formed 
in January 1957, which represented a French condominium plan to share the Sahara's 
wealth with bordering states. The FLN (q.v.) also suggested that it would pursue a 
similar strategy with its neighbors. (Since the Arab Maghrib Union [q.v.] [AMU]; [q.v. 
Maghrib Unity], this is being realized, e.g., the planned gas trunk line to Morocco.) 

The Evian Accords secured French hydrocarbon interests by assuring (1) the 
continuation of colonial Petroleum Code with recent modifications, which gave the 
companies full freedom of their transfer flows; and (2) the promotion of the use of 
French francs in all hydrocarbon financial matters. 

Page 223 

With their position entrenched, the companies continued to expand the volume of 
production. The perpetuation of French privileges was challenged by the elaboration 
and evolution of an Algerian hydrocarbons policy aiming at the nationalization of the 
sector. In December 1963, SONATRACH, a state enterprise, was established to build a 
third pipeline (independent of the oil companies' consortium plan). Algeria conducted 
its first independent exploration in 1965. 

On July 29, 1965, the Algiers Accord was signed between the French and Algerian 
governments. The French companies kept their concessions and their control (though 
modified by ASCOOP, see below). Algeria's royalties were computed at $2.08/barrel 
fob Bougie (Bejai'a [q.v.]). This gave Algeria an opportunity to plan its revenues by 
insulating it from the caprice of the world petroleum market. Algeria was also able to 
tax a greater percentage of the profits. The accord featured the innovative Association 
Cooperative (ASCOOP). It was a partnership between an Algerian state company 
(SONATRACH) and a French one (eventually ERAP). Both companies would explore 
and exploit the sector together with the French state enterprise financing 60 percent of 
the research costs. Another imaginative idea included in the accord was a new 
financial aid arrangement. An Organisme de Cooperation Industrielle (OCI) was 
inaugurated that would operate as a partnership to stimulate Algeria's industrialization. 
In addition, Algeria's Supreme Court would play a role (not final) concerning 
arbitration. The natural gas package gave Algeria a marketing monopoly (though it 
paid production costs from French wells) and a 50 percent shared interest of a joint 
liquefaction enterprise. France also offered itself as a purchaser (satisfactory accord 
reached in 1967). Since Algerian planners projected (like former French ones; 
Perspectives decennales [q.v.]; Constantine Plan [q.v.]) natural gas fueling Algeria's 
industrialization, these stipulations were very well received. 

Page 224 

Algeria regarded the Algiers Accord as another stage toward territorial recovery and 
economic liberation. It seemed to promise a "naturalization" rather than a disruptive 
nationalization of the sector. It also committed France, Algeria's most important 
economic furnisher and client, to continue a privileged bilateral cooperation (q.v.). 

In 1967 Algeria bought out British Petroleum's remaining interests and, as a result of 
the Arab-Israeli Six-Day War of June 1967, slapped an embargo on the United States 
and the United Kingdom. A few months later, five American companies were 
nationalized. In 1968 Getty Oil negotiated an accord that gave Algeria 51 percent of its 

In 1969 Algeria and France began negotiating new fiscal arrangements. Algeria 
advised the concessionaires to raise the posted petroleum price to $2. 65/barrel. This 
was a protracted negotiation that eventually called into question the entire bilateral 
relationship. On February 24, 1971, President Boumedienne declared the 
nationalization (51 percent) of French interests in the Sahara. Production was stopped 
and technicians were removed from the field. The French companies came to 
satisfactory terms with Algeria by the end of the year. The nationalization of French 
concessions (rhetorically, "the battle of oil") was viewed by the Algerian government 
as marking the economic liberation of Algeria. 

Algeria easily diversified its oil markets, particularly as a result of the Oil Embargo of 
1973 as West Germany and the United States became important importers. Algeria 
especially benefited from OPEC price escalations, which produced unimagined 
revenues. Algeria's crude (among the world's "sweetest" /lightest, thereby reducing 
refining costs) sold as high as $40/barrel in 1981 and even reached $45/barrel on the 
Rotterdam spot market. The collapse of prices in the mid- 1980s dropped Algeria 
crude to S 12/barrel, which reverberated throughout the entire economy and 
contributed to the October 1988 (q.v.) rioting. Algeria also 

Page 225 

permitted greater foreign investment and profit opportunities concerning petroleum 
exploration and production (Investment Law of 1986). In 1980 crude oil sales 
produced 61 percent of Algeria's hydrocarbon export earnings, but this dropped to 25 
percent for 1983, given oil price reduction and the growth in LNG (liquefied natural 
gas) sales. 

At first, both French and Algerian planners valued petroleum over natural gas. This 
was due in part to existing energy markets and operating systems and the technical 
problem of natural gas recovery and delivery. In the short-term, oil was easier to 
exploit and more profitable. Natural gas liquefaction processes were just beginning to 
come on line (e.g., the Compagnie Algerienne de Methane Liquide [CAMEL] at 
Arzew in 1964). 

In 1969 El Paso Corporation signed a contract with SONATRACH for the annual 
delivery of 10 billion m 3 for 25 years to the United States, which strengthened 

Algeria's resolve while bolstering its confidence during the negotiations with the 
French during 1969 to 1971. Algeria's VALHYD ( Valorisation des 
Hydro carbures)F\m of 1978, produced with the collaboration of American Bechtel 
consultants, profiled oil and gas production and Algeria's future development. It 
underscored how Boumedienne's state-building period was linked to hydrocarbons 
production and receipts. Interest rates, overruns, and debts led to the reformulation of 
gas pricing. A new gas policy was especially articulated by SONATRACFTS Nordine 
Alt Laoussine (now Minister of Energy since June 1991), who argued that LNG prices 
should be equivalent to competing energies. The decision to equate gas with oil prices 
was made in 1979. 

Consumer reluctance to subscribe to the new formulation created great pressures on 
Algeria. The El Paso contract was jeopardized. Though El Paso had provided great 
technical assistance at Arzew, and Algeria benefited internationally from this 
relationship, the American corporation found the 

Page 226 

pricing principle uneconomical. This contract dissipated in 1981. In February 1980 
negotiations began with Gaz de France (GDF), which balked at Algerian insistence of 
parity prices. A major contract in April 1981 with Belgium's Distrigaz provided a 
pricing formula calculated not solely on Algerian crude but a "basket" of crudes that 
Belgium imported. In February 1982, France agreed on a similar agreement in an 
accord for the delivery of 9.1 billion m 3 annually, which featured the French 

government's subsidy of 13.5 percent of the price because of anticipated contracts 
with Algeria. This innovative accord was reminiscent of the Algiers Accord of 1965 
and symbolized President Francis Mitterrand's (q.v.) implementation of 
"codevelopment." In 1983, the Trans-Mediterranean pipeline began pumping natural 
gas to Italy. 

The energy parity policy was a good risk as long as prices remained inelastic and high. 
The drop in oil prices in the mid-1980s and, by linkage, the drop in LNG prices, 
weakened the Algerian economy. Algeria's clients (e.g., Distrigaz and Spain's Enagas) 
wanted to renegotiate contracts. From $5.11/MMBtu in 1982, France paid about 
$2.00/MMBtu in 1987. The mutually satisfying January 12, 1989, LNG accord set the 
price at $2.30/MMBtu. Furthermore, both sides agreed to participate in joint 
cooperation projects, several of which have been realized. 

This sector was especially affected by Benjedid's policies of decentralization. 
SONATRACH was "restructured" into smaller enterprises. Algeria lifted 33 million 
metric tons of oil in 1988. Its gross production of natural gas was 105.6 billion m 3 of 

natural gas in 1987. Algeria's gas reserves are estimated as the seventh largest in the 
world. There is reluctance today by foreign companies to invest in the sector, in spite 
of more attractive terms offered by the Algerian government (1986 legislation), given 
the domestic distress and violence. 

Page 227 



An early movement of dissent in North African Islam relating directly to Kharijism 
(q.v.). The sect was named after Abd Allah ibn Ibad (or Abad) al-Murri al-Tamimim. 
A shaykh from Basra, Salama ibn Said, was the first to preach Ibadi doctrines in the 
Maghrib at Qayrawan. This led to the establishment of an Ibadi state in Tripolitania 
and the occupation of Qayrawan in 758. Eventually the Ibadi state extended from 
Barka to the land of the Kutama (q.v.) under the imamate of Abu al-Khattab. An 
Abbasid (q.v.) Army from Egypt was dispatched against the Ibadis and defeated them 
at the Battle of Tawargha in 761. The remaining Ibadi forces fled to Tahert (Tagdempt) 
where Abd al-Rahman ibn Rustam, a former Ibadi governor of Qayrawan, established 
a new Ibadi capital and (q.v. Rustamid) dynasty. Under this imam's two successors, 
Ibadism reached its zenith. By the end of the eighth century, the imamate of Tahert 
reached from Tlemcen (q.v.) to Tripoli. The Ibadi state survived until 909 when it was 
finally crushed by the armies of Abu Abd Allah al-Shi'i, who founded the Fatimid 
(q.v) state. The Ibadis then moved into the Sahara. Major Ibadite centers today are at 
Ouargla (Wargla) and the Mzab (q.v.) in Saharan Algeria. 

IBN also see Ben. 



Traveler; jurist. Born in Tangier where he studied Islamic law, Ibn Battuta set out in 
1325 to make the hajj to Mecca. On his way, he stayed in the Abd al-Wadid (q.v.) 
capital of Tlemcen (q.v.) for a short time before proceeding to Miliana, Algiers (q.v.), 
and then to Hafsid-controlled Bejai’a (q.v.). He also visited Constantine (q.v.) and 
Annaba. After finally reaching Mecca, Ibn Battuta went on journeys that would take 
him to 

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South and East Asia. On his way back to Tangier he stopped in Tenes and Tlemcen 
(q.v.). His last great venture was to Mali. Ibn Battuta's recollections ( Rihla)providQ 
valuable information concerning the fourteenth-century Maghrib. 


Historian; "sociologist"; philosopher. Ibn Khaldun was born in Tunis. The Maranid 
invasion provided him with a number of theological and literary instructors during his 
early years. In 1349, an attack of Black Death took his parents, which had a traumatic 
effect on his life. Shortly thereafter he left for Fez, where he became a court 
functionary. Following an attack on the area by the amir of Constantine (q.v.), Ibn 
Khaldun began a series of circuitous moves around the area. He returned to Fez in 
1354 as part of the sultan's secretariat. For his court intrigues, he was imprisoned 
(1357-1358). With the death of the sultan, Ibn Khaldun became court poet of his 
successor. From 1362 until 1368 he was at the courts of Granada and Bejai'a (q.v.). 
Moving to Biskra (q.v.), he withdrew from politics and attempted to become a man of 
letters. He then moved to Tlemcen (q.v.) in 1375, but shortly thereafter went into 
refuge in a fortress near Frenda. There he stayed for four years and did much 
reflecting over his ideas. He returned to Tunis in 1378 to begin a new career as teacher 
and scholar. As a result of a conspiracy against him, he fled to Cairo in 1382. From 
this new home he continued his career as teacher, traveler, and scholar until his death. 

He is best known for two works, his Ibar , or Universal History , and his 
Muqaddima , or Introduction . His ideas on tribal cohesion and consciousness, asabiyya 
(q.v.), or "collective interest" (Charles-Andre Julien's [q.v.] interpretation of the 
word), the rise and fall of dynasties, and the effect of rural-city conflict are 
particularly admired. 

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IBN TASHFIN, YUSUF (d. 1106) (q.v. Almoravids). 

Almoravid leader. He was a founder of the Almoravid Empire and extended its 
territory. Ibn Tashfin founded Marrakesh in 1062, which became the Almoravid 
capital. He invaded Spain in 1086 and controlled territory as far as Toledo. In the East 
he moved into Algeria taking Tlemcen (Ibn Tashfin is credited with the founding of 
modern Tlemcen [q.v.]), Oran (q.v.), and Algiers (q.v.). Ibn Tashfin ordered the 
construction of some of the most notable mosques in North Africa (e.g., Great 
Mosques of Tlemcen and of Algiers). 

IBN TUMART (c. 1080-c. 1130). 

Spiritual leader of the Almohads (q.v.); nicknamed "the Torch." He was born in 
Igillaz, a village in the northern anti- Atlas, to the Hargha of the Masmuda (Zenata 
[q.v.]) Berbers). There is historiographical controversy concerning his education. Ibn 
Tumart may have gone to Spain where he may have been influenced by the ideas of 
Ibn Hazm (d. 1064), who emphasized the Qur'an, tradition (sunna),dLn& general 
consensus (ijma ) as juridical sources. Traveling eastward (c. 1105-1110), Ibn Tumart 
continued his studies, probably at Baghdad, and may have gone to Damascus. It is not 
certain if he met his contemporary, the renowned scholar Abu Hamid al-Ghazali. He 
was highly influenced by the ideas of al-Ash'ari (873-935), the founder of orthodox 
scholasticism. On his way back to the Maghrib, Ibn Tumart stopped at an Ash'ari(te) 
study center in Alexandria. His Orthodoxy and social criticism provoked controversy 
at Bejaia (q.v.), the Hammadid (q.v.) capital. At Mallal near Bejai'a, he chose a young 
scholar and Zenata Berber, Abd al-Mu'min (q.v.), to be his student and companion. 

Ibn Tumart taught strict adherence to the Qur'an and the Sunna. He emphasized the 
"oneness" or unity of God (tawhid ), and his followers would be called "Unitarians," or 
the al-Muwahhidun or "Almohads" (Spanish corruption of 

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the Arabic word). He challenged the Maliki(te) (q.v. Malikism) use of their own 
secondary juridical works instead of relying upon Qur'an and the Sunna. He also 
condemned the use of personal opinion (ray ) in Malikite jurisprudence. Unlike other 
theologians, Ibn Tumart aimed to proselytize and propagate his ideas (articulated in 
Berber [q.v.] besides Arabic). His political doctrine included Shi'a (q.v.) ideas of the 
Mahdi and the sinless Imam. At Marrakesh he probably met the Almoravid ruler Ali 
ibn Yusuf, a devout Maliki. Ibn Tumart' s agitation against Malikism, which was 
adhered to fervently by the Almoravids (q.v.), finally forced him to flee to his 
ancestral home. 

After several years of preaching and praying, tribesmen recognized him as Imam. 
When he received their oath, he called himself the Mahdi. In order to keep unity, he 
led a hierarchy that was based on Berber tribal organization and confederation (e.g., 
councils and assemblies). Ibn Tumart felt strong enough to initiate attacks against the 
Almoravids. According to sources, his death was kept a secret for several years until 
Abd al-Mu'min could secure his succession as Amir al-Mu'minin (Commander of the 
Faithful). It seems, however, that given the closeness of the two men, and the Mahdi's 
chosen deputy, that his succession was anticipated by the Berber tribes. Abd al- 
Mu'min would embark upon many conquests, consequently unifying the Maghrib 
from the Atlantic to Ifriqiya. 

IBN UTHMAN, MUHAMMAD (q.v. Ben Othman). 

AL-IBRAHIMI, BACHIR (1889-1965). 

Born in Bejai'a (q.v.), al-Ibrahimi became a leading companion of Abd al-Hamid Ben 
Badis (q.v.) and his successor. He was a well-known orator of the Association of 
Reformist Algerian Ulama (q.v.). He achieved a great reputation as an Arabic and 
Islamic scholar while contributing numerous articles to his association's various 
journals (q.v. Literature in Arabic). Al- 

Page 23 1 

Ibrahimi was the father of the statesman, Ahmed Taleb-Ibrahimi (q.v.). 


Zenata (q.v.) Berber (q.v.) tribe. Avery powerful group within the Zenata, the Ifran 
were located in eastern Algeria but eventually spread westward. They played a 
significant role in resisting the Arab conquest and also in the revolts of the ninth 

IMACHE, AMAR (1895-1960). 

Nationalist. As an emigrant in France, Imache became involved in the ENA (q.v.) and 
became editor of its paper, El-Ouma.HQ was renowned as a polemicist in Arabic, 
French, and Berber. Arrested in 1934, he was incarcerated with Messali Hadj (q.v.). 
Imache eventually broke with Messali, accusing him of promoting a "personality cult." 
In 1947 he attempted to organize another nationalist party called the Parti de I'Unite 
algerienne . Failing to mobilize enough interest in it, he joined Ferhat Abbas's (q.v.) 
UDMA (q.v.). 

IMALAYEN, FATIMA ZOHRA (q.v. Assia Djebar). 

INDUSTRIALIZATION (q.v. State Plans). 

Beginning after World War II, French colonial authorities realized that there was a 
need to promote industrialization in Algeria, given shortages of commodities. 
Furthermore, the "galloping" Muslim birthrate portended an economic as well as 
political nightmare and necessitated the generation of hundreds of thousands of jobs. 
Modest industrializing efforts were undertaken until the War of Independence when 
France provided impressive study and massive aid toward the development of a 
second sector. This was disclosed by the Perspective decennales (q.v.) and the 
Constantine Plan (q.v.). 

In part influenced by its socialism, the FLN accelerated these industrializing efforts 
through the development of 

Page 232 

hydrocarbons (already projected by the French) (q.v.). The model pursued was called 
"industrializing industries" and was based on using hydrocarbons as a catalytic 
multiplier (influenced by Professor Gerard Destanne de Bernis's ideas). This was 
viewed in the First and Second Four- Year Plans (1970-1977) where the second sector 
received most of the allocations. Though the two Five-Year Plans (1980-1989) 
distinguished themselves by placing significant attention on the first and third sectors, 
the second was not neglected. The First Five-Year Plan aimed to complete industrial 
projects of the Four- Year Plans. 

Steelworks are located in Algiers and especially at the Hadjar complex near Annaba. 
Trucks, refrigerators, televisions, textiles, cement, fertilizers, plastics, clothing, shoes, 
cigarettes, matches, and paper are manufactured nationally. Algeria plans to assemble 
its own automobiles jointly with European companies (Fiat; Peugeot) in the 1990s. 

A general complaint concerning industrialization has been the concentration of capital 
and resources resulting in an ultramodern sector that is not labor intensive, thereby 
exasperating the under- and unemployment problem. 


This was the policy articulated by Governor-General Jacques Soustelle (q.v.). It called 
for the political, administrative, and economic integration of Algeria with France. It 
was not meant to be an authentic assimilation as Soustelle did not call for social and 
cultural integration because that would threaten Muslim identity (and that of the 
European settlers [q.v. pieds-noirs]). 

Though the policy relieved the pieds-noirs , who feared abandonment, its logical 
conclusion was the democratization of Algeria, another threat to the settlers' political 
predominance. The policy was abandoned after Soustelle left office. 


The first GPRA (q.v.) was reorganized at the Tripoli meeting of January 

Page 233 

1961. The government remained that had been appointed in September 1958 with the 
following changes: Belkacem Krim (q.v.) became foreign minister, and Krim, 
Abdelhafid Boussouf (q.v.), and Lakhdar Ben Tobbal (q.v.) constituted the 
Interministerial Committee of War, which was in charge of coordinating the military 
effort in Algeria and of acquiring supplies to the internal leaders. This committee was 
eliminated at the August 1961 GPRA meeting. 


A Berber (q.v.) tribal group of Great Kabylia (q.v.). Throughout the Turkish period, 
they continued to be independent until subdued by the French in 1857. They revolted 
unsuccessfully in the great Kabyle uprising of 1871-1872 (q.v.). 


A military Islamist opposition group. On August 29, 1985, it raided police barracks 
near Blida, killing one officer. In addition, it claimed responsibility for an attack on 
the Algerian Embassy in Beirut. Other attacks near Blida were made in October and 
November. The group claimed to have attacked a police station in Oran as well. 
Islamist violence in the 1980s was also symbolized by Mustapha Bouiali (q.v.). The 
appeal of politicized, populist Islam contributed to the emergence of the Front 
Islamique du Salut (FIS) (q.v.). 

ISSAD, HASSAN (b. 1896). 

Political organizer; labor leader. Along with Hadj Ali Abdelkader (q.v.), he was a 
founder of the ENA (q.v.) and served on its Central Committee. Issad had also been 
active in leading workers in various organizations created by the PCF (French 
Communist Party) and its labor group, the CGTU ( Confederation Generate du 
Travad Unitaire). 

Page 234 


JAZAIRY, IDRISS (b. 1936). 

Counselor; ambassador. Jazairy received an excellent education in public policy. He 
attended the Ecole Nationale d' Administration (ENA) in Paris and earned Master's 
degrees from Oxford University (political science) and Harvard University (public 
administration). From 1963 to 1970, he was director of economic, cultural, and social 
affairs in the Foreign Ministry. He then served from 1971 to 1977 as counselor of 
economics and international cooperation affairs to President Houari Boumedienne 
(q.v.). He was an assistant secretary-general of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs from 
1977 to 1979. Concurrently he presided over the United Nations General Assembly's 
Committee on North-South Dialogue (1978-1979). He then served as ambassador to 
Belgium, Luxemburg, and the European Community (1979-1982). He became a roving 
ambassador for the Ministry of Foreign Affairs concerning international economics 
issues in 1982 before being tabbed as president of the Fonds International de 
Developpement Agricole (FIDA) (International Fund for Agricultural Development) 
in 1984. 

JEUNES ALGERIENS (q.v. Young Algerians). 


The Jews of Algeria predate the Arab and Muslim conquest. Jewish communities 
played prominent political and commercial roles throughout the history of Algeria. 
One of the most famous resistants to the Arab invasion was al-Kahina (q.v.), who 
headed an apparently Judeo-Berber tribe, the Jarawa. 

After the Arab conquest, Jewish communities existed within the Berber states (q.v. 
Rustamids, Hammadids, Zirids) and maintained contacts with their religious 
compatriots in the Maghrib and in Spain. There was a significant Jewish cultural and 
commercial presence in cities such as Tahert, Qal'a, Bejaia (q.v.), Tlemcen (q.v.), and 
Algiers (q.v.). When persecutions in Spain intensified in the late 

Page 235 

fourteenth and fifteenth century, many Jewish immigrants arrived in Algeria. The 
Andalusians were highly cultured when compared with the Maghribi Jews. This 
created tensions, but it also enriched North African Jewry. 

Jews also played significant political roles. Abu al-Faraj led a Berber revolt against the 
Zirids. He was captured and executed (989). Christian Spanish kings often employed 
Jews as ambassadors throughout the Maghrib. Nevertheless, Spanish incursions in the 
sixteenth century along the North African coast (e.g., Oran [q.v.] and Bejafa) were 
catastrophic for Jews (e.g., properties destroyed; enslavement). 

Despite these upheavals, the Jewish communities persisted and even prospered. 
Relations among Berbers, Arabs, and Jews were generally good. Occasional violence 
did occur. There is an example of a marabout from Blida who not only stopped 
violence against Jews but also had properties returned. 

The Turks discriminated against Arabs, Berbers, and particularly Jews (targeted with 
special taxes). Nevertheless, the Regency's (q.v.) leaders often used Jews for 
diplomatic and financial assistance. Naphtali Busnach (Bushnaq) became Mustafa 
Dey's (1798-1805) chief adviser. Busnach's assassination in 1805 provoked a 
murderous outburst against the Jews in Algiers. The debts owed (7 to 8 million 
francs) by the French government to the Busnach and Bakri families and their 
associates were a cause of the French expedition of 1830. 

At the time of the French conquest there were 30,000 Jews in Algeria. Like the 
Muslims, the Jews faced the French threat of cultural assimilation. Hebrew presses 
and schools were established; nevertheless, many Jews were assimilated. They gained 
the right of naturalization in 1865 and became French citizens by the Cremieux Decree 
(q.v.) of 1870. (This applied to most Jews except those in the South, whose legal 
status was unclear.) The granting of citizenship, a privilege in colonial society, 
contributed to an increasingly virulent 

Page 236 

anti-Semitism, especially among European settlers as witnessed by attacks in Tlemcen 
(1881), Algiers (1882, especially 1897-1898), Oran (1883), Setif (1883) (q.v.), and 
Mostaganem (1897). This violent climate was aggravated by the Dreyfus Affair. There 
was also a significant Muslim outburst of anti-Semitism in Constantine (1934). 

France's defeat in 1940 and the establishment of the Vichy (q.v.) government was a 
disaster to the 117,646 Jews living in Algeria. The Cremieux Decree was abrogated, 
producing great suffering but also the mobilization of Jewish resistance. Ironically, 
even after the Allies ended Algeria's Vichy administration, the Cremieux Decree was 
not restored and systematic discrimination continued in spite of the protests of Charles 
de Gaulle's (q.v.) Free French. Finally, the Decree was reinstated on October 20, 1943. 

The terrible experience during World War II led to the inauguration of the Federation 
des Commmunautes Israelites d'Algerie to protect the community. Anew crisis 
emerged, however, with the rise of militant Muslim nationalism and finally the War of 
Independence. The FFN (q.v.) urged Jews to support Algerian independence and 
promised toleration, citing the injustices committed against them by the colonial 
establishment. Jews were sympathetic toward the nationalists. Nevertheless, many 
Jews identified culturally with France, which left them torn. In February 1958, two 
members of the Jewish Agency were killed. The Muslim desecration of the Great 
Synagogue in December 1960 and of the Jewish cemetery in Oran increased anxieties 
and fears. Symbolizing the difficult position of the community were the publicized 
killings of William Fevy, the Socialist Party's secretary-general for Algiers, by the OAS 
and of his son by the AFN (q.v.). This insecurity led to another Jewish "diaspora," this 
time to France (70,000) and Israel (5,000). Repatriation/expatriation was aided greatly 
by the United Jewish Social Fund. 

Page 237 

After independence, the situation became increasingly difficult for the Jews who 
remained. While Ahmed Ben Bella's government had proper relations with the 
community (despite Ben Bella's Nasserist affinities), the situation deteriorated with the 
Houari Boumedienne (q.v.) era. Boumedienne was an ardent Arab nationalist and a 
staunch supporter of the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO). Jews lost civil 
rights and as a consequence of the Arab-Israeli June 1967 War, synagogues and other 
Jewish buildings were defaced. All the synagogues except one (pillaged eventually in 
1977) were converted into mosques. By 1970 there were less than 1,000 Jews left. 
There is still a small community in Algeria, the vestige of a great historical legacy. 

Among Algerian-born Jews who have particularly distinguished themselves are 
Jacques Derrida (q.v.), Annie Cohen-Solal, and Bernard-Henri Levy. 


Historian. Al-Jilali was a member of the Association of Reformist Ulama (q.v.). His 
General History of Algeria (1954) was written in Arabic and strove to develop a 
historical and national consciousness. Al-Jilali symbolized how Abd al-Hamid Ben 
Badis's (q.v.) influence created a cultural nationalism. 


Governor-general. Jonnart served as a deputy, senator, and diplomat for the Third 
Republic. He particularly distinguished himself in Algerian affairs. He served multiple 
terms as governor-general (q.v. Appendices) and promoted the founding of the 
University of Algiers (1909). He was reform oriented and encouraged agricultural and 
artisan production. Georges Clemenceau (q.v. Clemenceau Reforms) viewed Jonnart 
as an ideological ally. Both men tried to enact substantial reform in post- World War I 
Algeria (q.v. Jonnart Law). Their reforming efforts resulted in some changes but not 
enough to satisfy impatient Young Algerians (q.v.) and especially Emir Khaled (q.v.). 

Page 238 

JONNART LAW OF FEBRUARY 1919 (q.v. Clemenceau Reforms). 

Named after Governor-General Charles Jonnart (q.v.), this was a reform bill in favor 
of Muslims and intended as a reward for Algerian participation in World War I. It 
created an electorate of some 425,000 Algerians who had not opted for French 
citizenship but who voted in a separate second electorate (i.e., a quasi-citizenship), the 
first being reserved for European settlers and those few Algerians who had become 
naturalized Frenchmen. It did not allow naturalization with Muslim status (i.e., 
preservation of personal status under Muslim law). Access to the second electoral 
group was granted to those Algerian men who, by virtue of economic position, 
education, or relatively long service in French institutions, had been most affected by 
the French presence in Algeria. Specifically, the second electorate included licensed 
merchants, school certificate holders, civil employees, landowners, and veterans. 
Voters were granted immunity from the Code de I'lndigenat (q.v.). They could elect 
their own representatives, but within severely limited bounds: Not more than one- 
third of municipal councilmen in local councils or one-fourth on lesser councils could 
be elected by the second electorate. There was no change, however, in the makeup of 
that peculiar institution of colonial Algeria, the Delegation financieres (q.v.). This law 
was significant because it created a large body of Algerians who could vote and who 
soon became politically aware, resulting in political groups such as the moderate 
Federation des Elus Musulmans party. It was also viewed as being too moderate and 
too restrictive by the incipient nationalist elite (q.v. Young Algerians; Emir Khaled) 
because the minority colonialist population's predominance remained institutionally 
and politically protected. 

JOXE, LOUIS (1901-1991). 

French Evian Accords (q.v.) negotiator. Joxe had a distinguished public service as an 
ambassador, deputy, and minister. In Algerian history, he played a 

Page 239 

crucial role as the minister of state in charge of Algerian affairs (1960-1962). Joxe was 
a (Charles) de Gaulle (q.v.) loyalist who accepted the unenviable task of dealing with 
the wrenching decolonization of Algeria. He was charged to be chief negotiator of the 
Evian Accords. Joxe perceived his primary diplomatic objective as the protection of 
the European community. The arduous discussions led to detailed stipulations listing 
guarantees to the pieds-noirs , which were quickly anachronistic, given the anarchic 
events in Algeria (q.v. Organisation de I'Armee Secrete [OAS]). Joxe had said that 
another difficulty was the FLN as an organization: How much authority and legitimacy 
did it possess? Joxe handled his difficult tasks professionally and earned the respect of 
his Algerian counterparts. 

JUBA I; JUBA II (d. A.D. 19?) (q.v. Numidia). 

Numidian kings. Juba I died in 46 B.C. as a supporter of the Roman general and 
statesman Pompey. His son Juba II became an illustrious client of Rome (q.v). Juba II 
was brought to Rome by the victorious Caesar and grew up in his household and that 
of his nephew, Octavian (later Augustus). Juba became Romanized and Hellenized, 
even writing books in Greek. He was especially a patron of the arts. He married the 
daughter of Antony and Cleopatra, Cleopatra Selene, in 29 B.C. They renamed 
Cherchell (q.v.) as Iol Caesarea in honor of Augustus, and it became a celebrated 
capital of Roman culture and arts. Juba's second capital was at Volubilis in Mauretania 
(Morocco). Juba's kingdom relied upon Roman military assistance. Juba's loyalty 
resulted in a gradual Romanization of the area and, with that, prosperity and an 
enriched civilization. 

JUGURTHA (d. 104B.C.). 

King of Numidia (118-106 B.C.). He was the illegitimate son of Mastanabal and 
grandson of King Masinissa (q.v.). After his father's death, he was raised by his uncle 
Micipsa with his cousin and principal rival, 

Page 240 

Adherbal. His uncle sent him to command a Numidian force in Spain under Scipio 
Africanus Minor in 134 B.C., where he distinguished himself and made many Roman 
friends. Upon his uncle's death in 118 B.C., three cousins ruled: Adherbal, Hiempsal, 
and Jugurtha. Civil war broke out when Rome decided to give Adherbal eastern 
Numidia. The ambitious Jugurtha gained the upper hand. When Adherbal took refuge 
in the fortress of Cirta (q.v. Constantine) in 112, Jugurtha laid siege, which eventually 
led to a massacre of the inhabitants, including a number of Italian merchants; this 
event provoked Roman hostility. After the Roman Senate sent an army to Numidia 
under consul Bestia, a temporary peace was declared. Shortly thereafter the conflict 
resumed, and the Roman army suffered a major defeat at Suthul. A conciliatory peace 
was concluded by the Romans in 109, which created a furor in Rome. A new army 
was sent to Numidia under Quintus Metellus (109-106). Marius, in particular, and 
Sulla also played significant roles in this conflict. Jugurtha was finally defeated in a 
pitched battle on the Muthul River in 106 B.C. He was betrayed by his father-in-law, 
King Bocchus of Mauretania (q.v.), and later captured in an ambush and sent as a 
prisoner to Rome, where he died under mysterious circumstances. Jugurtha's 
resistance to Rome was inspirational to the FLN (q.v.) in its struggle against the 

JULIEN, CHARLES-ANDRE (1891-1991) (q.v. Bibliography). 

French historian. Julien's Histoire de VAfrique du Nord (1931) was an objective work 
that especially contradicted the colonialist historical interpretations of Algerian history 
as presented during the centenary celebrations of French colonialism in Algeria. He 
also played an important role in the formulation and promotion of the Blum-Viollette 
legislation (q.v.). Julien has been honored by the French, Moroccan, and Tunisian 
governments. He was a Consedler de rUnion Franqaise (1947-1958). The Histoire de 

Page 241 

contemporaine : La Conquete et les debuts de la colonisation (182 7-18 77)( 1964) was 
another monumental historiographic contribution. 

JUSTINIAN (483-565) (r. 527-565). 

Byzantine (q.v.) emperor. Justinian ordered the conquest of the Vandal (q.v.) 
kingdom, which General Belisarius achieved and "reincorporated" into the (Eastern) 
Roman Empire in 533-534. The invasion force had 500 ships with 30,000 sailors, an 
army of 16,000, and 6,000 horses. The Byzantines had learned new cavalry tactics 
from their campaigns against the Persians, which they applied against the Vandals. 
Belisarius kept the invaders under strict discipline, which encouraged public support. 
Though the Byzantines were outnumbered, Gelimer (q.v.) was decisively defeated in 
September 533. After the disintegration of the Vandals, the Byzantines also faced the 
pressure of regional Berber (q.v.) tribesmen. The Byzantines established fortresses in 
eastern Algeria. Justinian also tried to repair the infrastructure of his North African 
conquest. The Byzantines, like the Vandals, appreciated Berber military prowess. They 
mustered North African levies and deployed them to support Justinian's other military 
operations. A cultural consequence was the reassertion of the establishment (i.e., 
traditional Catholic/Orthodox) Church at the expense of Donatists (q.v. Donatism), 
Arians, Jews (q.v.), and pagans. 

Page 242 



Kabylia (q.v.) with its history of independence became even more restive with the 
arrival of the French to the region in the 1850s. Subsequent conflict (q.v. Kabyles) 
dislocated the area socially and economically and provoked great resentment. In 
January 1871, native troops in Kabylia resisted deployment to France. Concurrently, 
Muhammad al-Hajj al-Muqrani (q.v.), a leading Kabyle notable and a bachaga , wanted 
to assert more autonomy from the French administration. The condescending refusal 
of his proposal by French authorities instigated his summoning of a war council in 
March. Al-Muqrani's initiative received the prestigious support of Sidi Muhammad al- 
Haddad (q.v.), the muqaddam of the Rahmaniyya order. (His son al-Aziz [Si Aziz] 
also played an important role.) The "Great Revolt" (proclaimed as a jihad)bQgm\ in 
April. Approximately 150,000 Kabyles joined in the insurrection, which threatened the 
entire colonial establishment. From eastern Algeria the struggle against the French 
reached Algiers (q.v.) and Cherchell (q.v.). Al-Muqrani, who assumed the title of Amir 
al-Mujahidin,was killed in May, but his brother, Bu Masraq (q.v.) replaced him. The 
French Army slowly regained the initiative by late 1871. Bu Masraq was captured in 
June 1872, ending the rebellion. Besides suffering great loss of life, the Muslims of 
eastern Algeria lost more land (574,000 hectares expropriated by 1875) and were 
punished, too, with indemnities (36,500,000 francs). 

KABYLES (q.v. Kabylia). 

Prominent Berber (q.v.) group. The Kabyles (from the Arabic qabila [tribe]) are 
Berbers inhabiting the mountainous regions east of Algiers (q.v.) and west of Setif 
(q.v.) from the Mediterranean Sea to the southern slopes of the Djudjura mountains. 
There is also a large Kabyle population in Algiers. In Kabylia itself, most of these 
Berbers are agriculturalists, although population pressure has forced many Kabyles to 
emigrate where jobs and 

Page 243 

incomes have been traditionally available, primarily Algiers and France. Kabyle 
villages are generally administered by a jama'a , which is an assembly of adult males 
where decisions are reached by consensus. Kabyles rule themselves according to their 
customary law, which is complemented by Islamic jurisprudence. Practically all 
Kabyle villages are divided into competing political groups known as goffs {soffs ). But 
because the jama'a is governed by consensus and because the lesser goffs in one 
village are generally allied to the dominant goff in another nearby village, the potential 
for violence is generally slight. Women do not have a direct voice in the public affairs 
of Kabyle society, which is patrilineal. Within the family circle they can, however, 
achieve considerable power, particularly if they have sons. Women generally dress in 
loose and brightly colored cotton garments, wear heavy silver jewelry, and cover their 
heads with silk scarfs. Men wear flowing robes, woolen burnooses, and skull caps, or 

The Kabyles and their Berber brethren provided constant harassment to conquerors 
(q.v. Introduction). The French began "controlling" Kabylia in the 1850s after 
confronting the resistances of Bu Baghla (q.v.), Lalla Fatima (q.v.), and Bu Renan 
(q.v.). Nevertheless, in April 1871 the Kabyles rose against the French (q.v. Kabyle 
Revolt of 1871-1872) led by Muhammad al-Hajj al-Muqrani (q.v.), Shaykh Sidi 
Muhammad al-Haddad (q.v.), muqaddam of the Rahmaniyya (q.v.) order, and his son 
al-Aziz (Si Aziz). The entire French colonial establishment was threatened. The 
suppression of their "Great Revolt" led to vast expropriation and, given the 
subsequent lack of subsistence compounded by population growth, eventually to the 
expatriation of Kabyles to France as emigrant workers (q.v. Emigrant Labor). 

During the War of Independence, Kabyles played prominent roles (e.g., Belkacem 
Krim [q.v.], Ramdane Abane [q.v.], Alt Hamouda [Amirouche (q.v.)], Hocine Alt 
Ahmed [q.v.], and Ben Youssef Ben Khedda [q.v.]). Kabyles also 

Page 244 

contributed culturally toward the development of an ethnic and national identity (e.g., 
Jean Amrouche [q.v.], Marguerite Taos-Amrouche [q.v.], Mouloud Feraoun [q.v.], 
Malek Ouary [q.v.] and Mouloud Mammeri [q.v.]. Kasdi Merbah (q.v.), Mohammed 
Seddik Ben Yahia (q.v.), Belaid Abdesselam (q.v.), and Nordine Ait Laoussine (q.v. 
Hydrocarbons) are among the many Kabyles who have distinguished themselves in 
postcolonial Algeria. 

Kabyles revolted in 1963-1964 against the central government and were restive again 
dating from the "Berber Spring" of 1980 when violence broke out in protest of 
Arabization and the repression of Kabyle culture. Not surprisingly, Kabyles have 
voiced their opposition to the December 1990 Arabization Law (q.v. Arabization). The 
recent political liberalization has resulted in the emergence of Kabyle parties (e.g., FFS 
[q.v.], MCB, RCD). The inability of Kabyle leaders to unite has sapped a potentially 
powerful political bloc. 

KABYLIA (q.v. Kabyles). 

Mountainous region of the Tell (Atlas) in eastern Algeria. The term is sometimes used 
to identify the entire range of Algerian mountains east of Algiers (q.v.) from the coast 
to Tunisia. Kabylia is divided into several distinct areas, the most prominent of which 
is Great Kabylia, east and southeast of Algiers, extending to Bejaia (q.v.), including the 
impressive Djudjura range. Lesser Kabylia stretches from Bejaia to Jijel including the 
Babor Mountains. Little is known of the history of Kabylia before the sixteenth 
century, except as a region of persistent resistance to conquest. Even with strong states 
adjacent to this area, control over the region was nominal. 

During the Turkish occupation Kabyle political and administrative institutions 
remained intact, though occasionally a Dey possessed the acumen to assert his 
authority (e.g., Muhammad ibn Uthman [1766-1791]). The area was temporarily under 
French control from 1860 until 1871 after 

Page 245 

the suppression of Bu Baghla (q.v.), Lalla Fatima (q.v.), Bu Renan (q.v.), and 
adherents of the Rahmaniyya (q.v.) order. Following the suppression of the Kabyles' 
"Great Revolt" of 1871 (q.v.), much of Kabylia was sequestered for European 
colonization. During the War of Independence, Kabylia was one of the main insurgent 
regions. After the war it remained rebellious (1963-1964) against the central 
government. The Kabyles remain proud and protective of their heritage. The city of 
Tizi Ouzou (100,749 [1983]) is its cultural center. 


Historian. Kaddache's historiography has been internationally recognized and admired. 
He has been a professor at the University of Algiers and has served the Centre 
National d' Etudes Historiques (National Center of Historical Studies). Among his 
works are La Vie politique a Alger de 1919 a 1939 (1972); L'Algerie dans VAntiquite 
(1972); LEmir Abdelkader (1974); Recits de feu (1976); L'Algerie medievale (1982); 
and especially Histoire du nationalisme algerien: Question nationale et politique 
algerienne,2 vols. (1980). 



Mufti. Kaddura was of Tunisan origin but moved to Algeria. He is reputed to have 
been the most learned mufti of his age in Algeria. 

KAFI, ALI (b. 1928?). 

Nationalist; ambassador; president of the High Council of State (HCS) (q.v.). Kafi was 
born to a peasant family in El Harrouch near Skikda (formerly Philipp eville). He 
became an Arabic teacher. Kafi participated in the Messalist (q.v. Messali Hadj) PPA 
(q.v.) and MTLD (q.v.). He joined the ALN (q.v.), attended the Soummam Conference 
(q.v.), and headed Wilaya II. A dauntless soldier, Kafi crossed the treacherous Morice 
Line (q.v.) twice. 

Page 246 

After independence, Kafi served in the diplomatic corps (until 1975), distinguishing 
himself as an ambassador to Egypt, Syria, Lebanon, Libya, and Tunisia. He was also a 
member of the FLN's (q.v.) Central Committee (beginning in 1975), which played an 
important role in the selection of Chadli Benjedid (q.v.) as president. In November 
1990, Kafi became secretary-general of the Organisation National des Moudjahidins 
(Veterans), an association affiliated with the FLN. Kafi became dissatisfied, however, 
with the FLN establishment and gravitated politically toward what could be called the 
Sid Ahmed Ghozali (q.v.) group. Kafi supported the overthrow of President Benjedid 
in January 1992 and became a member of the High Council of State. He was a staunch 
supporter of President Mohamed Boudiaf (q.v.). After Boudiafs assassination (June 
1992), Kafi was selected to be his successor as president of the HCS. Kafi seemed 
initially more willing to open up toward the opposition. Nevertheless, under Prime 
Minister Belaid Abdesselam (q.v.), the government has pursued a determined policy to 
crush the Islamist movement. In addition, political and civil liberties have been 


Berber (q.v.) leader. This Berber leader distinguished herself in resisting the Arab 
invasion in the Aures (q.v.) region after Kusayla's (q.v.) defeat and death (686). Her 
name means "the prophetess." She led the Jerawa (Djarawa) tribe of apparently Jewish 
(q.v. Jews) Berbers against the Arab invaders. Her campaigns featured a stunning 
success at the Meskiana River. The Ummayad (q.v.) Caliph Abd al-Malik reinforced 
the strength of Hasan ibn al Nu'man al-Ghassani's army, which finally defeated the 
Aures Berbers. The noble al-Kahina died during combat in 702. 

KAID (QAID), AHMED (1927-1978) (Major Slimane). 

Revolutionary; minister. Kaid was born near Tiaret and attended 

Page 247 

primary school there. He was eventually enrolled in the French military school at 
Hussein-Dey, then in the Normal School in Algiers. Although he joined the FLN (q.v.) 
after the start of the War of Independence, his political activism to that point had been 
in the moderate UDMA (q.v.). He rose to assistant chief of staff of the ALN (q.v.) 
during the war and also served on the CNRA (q.v.). He sided with the Ahmed Ben 
Bella (q.v.)-Houari Boumedienne (q.v.) faction (also known as the Political Bureau 
[q.v.] or Tlemcen group) in the summer of 1962. He was elected to the National 
Assembly in 1962 and became minister of tourism in 1963. After a public 
disagreement with Ben Bella, he resigned from the government in late 1964; he kept 
his seat, however, on the Central Committee of the FLN. After the Boumedienne coup 
of June 1965, he served as spokesman of the Council of the Revolution (q.v.). 
Thereafter, he served as minister for finance until December 1967, at which time he 
became head of the FLN. He resigned from this position in 1972, rebuking the party's 
bureaucracy. He also reproved the Agrarian Revolution (q.v.). In March 1976 he 
publicly criticized the Boumedienne government at a news conference in France. 
Afterward, he lived in Switzerland and Morocco. Though it was reported that Kaid 
died of a heart attack, there was suspicion about his death given his anti-Boumedienne 
position. It was reported that many thousands attended his funeral at Tiaret. 

KATEB, MUSTAPHA (d. 1989). 

Playwright. Kateb was one of the greatest figures in modern Algerian theater. He 
wrote 15 plays including ii/ Kahina (1953). He served under the impresario 
Mahieddine Bachtarzi. He began his own company in 1940 and eventually became the 
director of an FLN theater group during the War of Independence. His greatest 
achievement was the establishment of L'Institut National d'Art Dramatique et 
Choreographique.Ue also was the director of the Algerian National Theater. 

Page 248 

KATEB, YACINE (1929-1989). 

Novelist; playwright; poet. Kateb was one of Algeria's most renowned writers. He was 
born in Constantine. He was expelled from school after participating in the 1945 Setif 
(q.v.) uprising. He then worked as a reporter for Alger Repub licain. In 1951 he went to 
France and labored as an agricultural hand (with Malek Haddad [q.v]), an electrician's 
aide, and an unskilled worker. He met Bertolt Brecht in 1954. During the War of 
Independence, he stayed out of Algeria. 

Kateb's most famous literary work was the novel Nedjma (Star), which was first 
published in 1956. Written in French, this novel has been translated into several 
languages. Nedjma is a pageant of literary style and historical significance. Its most 
profound theme is the search for and expression of personal and national identity. It is 
a masterwork involving history, autobiography, and poetry. This novel was 
complemented by Le Polygone etoile (1966), which illustrated the author's 
disillusionment with independence. 

A versatile writer in French and Arabic, Kateb also published a collection of poems 
Soldoques (1946) and wrote a number of plays such as Le Cercle des represailles 
(1959) and Mohammed, prends ta valise (in Arabic; 1971). Though Kateb was 
accused of supporting the authoritarian "Colonels," he was also very critical of the 
Algerian government concerning the October 1988 rioting. He was awarded in 1987 
the Grand Prix national franqais des lettres. 

A freethinker, he opposed the neo-revivalist Islam and especially its consequences 
upon women. He supported Berber rights. In 1985, he declared that he was "neither 
Muslim nor Arab, but Algerian" {Le Monde, October 31, 1989). Kateb viewed Algeria 
as a pluralistic culture. He could not reconcile himself to independent Algeria or 
colonial Algeria. His denunciation of the bloody repression of the October 1988 
demonstrations related to what must have been a brutal personal ironya reminder of 
Setif 1945 (q.v.). 

Page 249 


Moderate nationalist. Kessous's father was a cai'd and his grandfather was a rai's. He 
collaborated with Dr. Mohammed Saleh Bendjelloul (q.v.) in the founding of the 
Federation des Elus's newspaper, LEntente franco-musulmane in 1935. In the same 
year he published La Verite sur le malaise algerien, which examined social and 
political problems in Algeria in relation to integration. 

Kessous also founded with Ferhat Abbas (q.v.) the newspaper Egalite in 1944, where 
he assumed the position of editor-in-chief. In 1949, this newspaper became La 
Republique algerienne. Kessous became a member of the French National Assembly. 
He stayed in France during the War of Independence. 


KHAFDI, ABDEFAZIZ (1917-1972). 

Reformer. Khaldi authored Le Probleme algerien devant la conscience democratique 
(1946), which underscored the need of the French government to implement 
meaningful reform in Algeria. 


Nationalist. "Emir Khaled" is sometimes considered the "founder of the Algerian 
nationalist movement." A grandson of Abd al-Qadir (q.v.), he was born in Damascus, 
Syria, and grew up there before his father's move to Algeria in 1892. Khaled began his 
French education at the famed Fycee Fouis-le- Grand in Paris in 1892 and was 
admitted to St. Cyr the following year. By 1908 he had been promoted to the rank of 
captain, the highest rank an Algerian could attain in the French Army. He resigned in 
1910, but returned after receiving the rank of Chevalier of the Fegion of Honor in 
1914. He served in the army during World War I. In 1918 he 

Page 250 

lobbied to have the democratic ideals of the Paris Peace Conference applied to 

At first attracted to the Young Algerians (q.v.), he broke with them over the issue of 
the abandonment of Muslim status (in the acquisition of French citizenship). He 
proposed instead French citizenship with Muslim status, the cessation of foreign (i.e., 
European) immigration to Algeria, abolition of the communes mixtes (q.v.), 
compulsory education in both Arabic and French, and equal representation 
(European/ Algerian) in assemblies. Upon this platform he entered the 1919 municipal 
elections in Algiers. His efforts to promote his ideas through his French language 
publication, Ikdam , provoked hostility. He was forced to leave Algeria in 1923. As war 
broke out between the French and the Rifs in neighboring Morocco (Khaled was 
sympathetic toward Abd al-Krim), he moved from Paris to Alexandria. He was 
accused in 1925 of conspiring against the French. As a result of the charge, he 
challenged the French consul to a duel whereupon the French ambassador demanded 
his extradition. He returned to Syria where he died in January 1936. 

KHAMMAR, ABULQASIM (Abulqasim/Abu al-Qasim) (b. 1931). 

Poet. Born at Biskra (q.v.), Khammar used free verse in Leaves (1967) and disclosed 
an early attempt to break from nationalist poetry toward more universal themes. 


Kharijism is a separatist Islamic sect represented in Algeria today by the M'zabites 
(q.v.) who inhabit seven cities established by their ancestors in the Sahara around 
Gharadaia. This movement began as a violent reaction to the Caliph Ali's decision of 
arbitration at the Battle of Siffin in 659. A group of his supporters were disillusioned 
that Ali did not have God decide the outcome of this crucial battle in the history of the 
Caliphate and Islam. This resulted in a 

Page 25 1 

schismatic and rebellious sect. Though Ali persecuted the Khariji(tes), they eventually 
assassinated the Caliph. 

The word stems from the verb kharaja , meaning to leave or exit. The Khariji(te)s 
believed that leaders who failed to uphold religious and moral standards had to be 
removed from their positions. It was also egalitarian, contending that any Muslim 
demonstrating the requisite qualities of faithful commitment could become a caliph 
regardless of social position. Ibadism (q.v.) and Sufriyism (q.v.) were Khariji sects 
that particularly influenced the independent-minded Berbers (q.v.). Kharijism 
provided a rationale for rebellion. 

KHATIB, YOUCEF (b. 1932). 

Revolutionary. Born in Ech-Chlef, he was a member of the UGEMA and a second- 
year medical student when the student union called for a general strike in 1956. He 
joined the ALN (q.v.), served as a doctor, and rose to the position of head of medical 
services in Wilaya IV. Promoted to the rank of major in 1961, and then to the rank of 
colonel in 1962, he took command of the Wilaya and fought against the external 
troops of Houari Boumedienne (q.v.) during the immediate postwar power struggle. 
Thereafter, he left the army to renew his medical studies. He was a deputy in the 
National Assembly, and a member of the Political Bureau of the FLN until the coup of 
June 1965 and then of its Secretariat until 1967. 

KHAYR AL-DIN (also spelled KHAIR AL-DIN, also known as BARBAROSSA [Red 
Beard]) (c. 1483 [1466?]- 1546). 

Most famous Turkish ra'is and Beylerbey of Algiers (q.v.), who set up Turkish ra'is- 
Janissary state (q.v. Regency) in Algeria. He gained renown as a pirate under the 
command of his brother Aruj (q.v.). When his brother undertook a fatal expedition 
against Tlemcen (q.v.), he appointed Khayr as governor of Algiers. After word of 
Aruj's death arrived, Khayr was chosen by his fellow ra'is to succeed him. 

Page 252 

Finding himself beset by uprisings, he paid homage to the powerful Ottoman Sultan 
Selim I. This was politically astute because the Sultan bestowed Khayr with the titles 
of pasha and beylerbey, sent him 2,000 men with artillery, and gave him authority to 
recruit volunteers. Upon the arrival of these forces, Khayr immediately proceeded to 
secure his position. In addition, he was able to repel a Spanish force under Ugo de 
Moncade (1519). Khayr was defeated, however, by a Hafsid (Tunisian) army in 
Kabylia (q.v.). He was forced to flee to Djidjelli and to abandon Algiers temporarily. 
From his base at Djidjelli, Khayr began to regain territory from the Hafsids. He seized 
Collo (1521), Annaba (q.v.) (1522), Constantine (q.v.), and finally reoccupied Algiers 
in 1525. In 1529 he reduced the Spanish fortress of Penon and used its ramparts and 
other materials to construct a breakwater (200-yard jetty) and to develop a naval base. 
In 1533, Khayr was called to Constantinople and promoted to Captain Pasha (High 
Admiral) of the Ottoman fleet by Sultan Suleiman the Magnificent. 

In 1534, he took his revenge upon the Hafsids by plundering Tunis. Charles V's (q.v.) 
forces managed to seize Tunis in 1535. Khayr attacked Mahon, taking booty and 6,000 
captives. He then directed his attention to his responsibilities of the Ottoman fleet until 
his death. He was interned in the mosque at Buyiik Dere. 


A member of the Association of Reformist Ulama (q.v.), Kheiredine supported the 
Manifesto of the Algerian People (q.v.). During the War of Independence (q.v.) he 
served as FLN (q.v.) representative in Rabat. He was also a member of the CNRA 
(q.v.). After the war Kheiredine was a deputy (1962-64) in the National Assembly. He 
was also an owner of a plastics plant near Algiers. In 1976, he signed a Manifesto (q.v. 
"New Appeal to the Algerian People") along with Ferhat Abbas (q.v.), Ben Youssef 
Ben Khedda (q.v.), and Hocine Lahouel (q.v) that was critical of Houari 

Page 253 

Boumedienne's (q.v.) government and policies. Like the other signatories, he was 
placed under house arrest and his factory was expropriated by the state. President 
Benjedid (q.v.) later released Kheiredine and returned his property. 


Technocrat; minister. Khelef served with SONELGAZ (Algeria's natural gas state 
enterprise) in its economics division (1968). He became the director-general of 
planning and industrial development (1972-1977). This was an exciting, dynamic 
period during Houari Boumedienne's (q.v.) ambitious state-building (q.v. State Plans). 
Khelef then became secretary-general of the Ministry of Light Industry (1977-1979). 
He was also selected to the FLN's (q.v.) Central Committee (1979). Under President 
Chadli Benjedid (q.v.), Khelef served as minister of commerce (1980-1986) and then 
as minister of finance (1986-1988). He then became secretary of state for Maghrib 
Affairs in 1989, an important position given the establishment of the Arab Maghrib 
Union (AMU) (q.v. Maghrib Unity). 

KHEMISTI, MOHAMED (1930-1963). 

Foreign minister. Khemisti (like Ahmed Ben Bella [q.v.]) was a native of Marnia. He 
served as secretary to Abderrahmane Fares (q.v.), president of the Provisional 
Executive in 1962. Khemisti helped facilitate the transfer of power from the 
Provisional Executive to Ben Bella. He was named foreign minister in Ben Bella's first 
cabinet. Khemisti viewed the neocolonial condition with France as a temporary 
strategic expedient until Algeria developed itself. Khemisti also believed that Algeria 
should develop a strong solidarity with the Third World. He was assassinated on April 
11, 1963. His wife has played a significant role as a feminist (q.v. Women). 


"Historic Leader" (q.v.); revolutionary; FLN (q.v.) secretary- 

Page 254 

general. The son of a poor family from Biskra (q.v.), Khider was born in Algiers 
(q.v.) and eventually became a bus driver/fare collector. He joined Messali Hadj's 
(q.v.) ENA, then his PPA (q.v.). He campaigned and was elected deputy for Algiers in 
1946, but he went into exile in Cairo after his car, without his knowledge, was used in 
the OS (q.v.)organized 1950 holdup of the Oran post office. A partisan of armed 
rebellion, he tried to reconcile Messalists and Centralists when the MTLD (q.v.) split 
into two factions. Along with others he also helped organize the FLN, earning him the 
title of "historic leader." Khider was involved with initial contacts between the French 
government and the FFN in 1956. Nevertheless, the French authorities seized Khider 
along with Ahmed Ben Bella (q.v.), Mohamed Boudiaf (q.v.), Hocine Ait Ahmed 
(q.v.), and Mostefa Facheraf (q.v.) in the infamous hijacking of an Air Maroc airplane 
on October 22, 1956. He was elected to the CNRA (q.v.) while in prison, and in 1962 
he supported Ben Bella and became secretary-general of the FFN. He later disagreed 
with Ben Bella about the role of the party and of the army in independent Algeria. 
Thereupon, he resigned and went into exile, but he deposited a significant sum of 
party funds in Switzerland, which Algeria has tried to recover. Khider became an 
opponent of Houari Boumedienne (q.v.) and was assassinated in Madrid. 

KIFIJ AFI (q.v. Eulj Ali). 


Nationalist; revolutionary. A lawyer and PPA (q.v.) activist, he attained a variety of 
leadership positions within the MTFD (q.v.) (especially on Central Committee). 
Although he worked for Jacques Chevallier (q.v.), the mayor of Algiers (q.v.) when 
the War of Independence broke out, he was arrested in November 1954, then freed in 
March 1955. After his release, he was a partisan of internal autonomy, not of 
independence. This 

Page 255 

position caused him to be attacked in various FLN (q.v.) tracts. He eventually joined 
the FLN and was appointed the GPRA's (q.v.) ambassador to China in 1961. 

KREA (Cachin), HENRI (b. 1933). 

Writer; poet. Krea was born in Algiers (q.v.) and was the son of a mixed marriage (his 
mother was Algerian, his father European). He published one novel, Djamal, in 1961, 
and some plays including Le Seisme (1958) (whose subject is Jugurtha [q.v.]) and 
Theatre Algerien (1962). He is renowned as a poet of the revolution as viewed in 
Liberte premiere (1957); La Revolution et la poesie sont une seule et meme chose 
(1957, 1960); and La Conjuration des egaux (1964). Other collections include Poemes 
en forme de vestige (1967) and Tombeau de Jugurtha (1968). Krea chose to live in 
France after Algeria became independent. 

KRIM, BELKACEM (1922-1970). 

"Historic leader" (q.v.); GPRA(q.v.) minister. Belkacem Krim, a Kabyle (q.v.), was 
born near Dra-el-Mizan and began his adult life as an employee of the Mirabeau 
mixed commune (q.v. communes mixtes)ln 1945 he joined the PPA (q.v.) as well as 
the OS (q.v.). From 1947 on, following the assassination of a forest ranger, he was 
always on the run from French authorities. He was twice condemned to death, in 
absentia (1947 and 1950). In 1954 he became the sixth internal leader of the CRUA 
(q.v.)-FLN and is regarded as one of the "historic leaders." He commanded the 
Kabylia wilaya. After the Soummam Congress (q.v.), Krim reluctantly opposed his 
fellow Kabyle, Ramdane Abane (q.v.). He left Algeria after the Battle of Algiers (q.v.) 
to join the "external" delegation of the FLN. During the GPRA years, he served as war 
minister, vice president of the Council of Ministers (1958), foreign minister (1960), 
and minister of the interior (1961). He headed the FLN negotiating team, which 
concluded the Evian Accords (q.v.), and was the chief opponent of Ahmed 

Page 256 

Ben Bella (q.v.) immediately after independence was achieved (1962). He stayed out 
of politics from 1963 to 1965. He was accused of plotting against Houari Boumedienne 
(q.v.) and was again condemned to death in absentia , this time ironically by the 
Algerian courts. In 1969 he organized the Mouvement Democratique de Renouveau 
Algerien . Krim was assassinated in Frankfurt, probably by Algerian security agents. 

Berber chief of the Awraba tribe who resisted Arab conquest of the Maghrib. Kusayla, 
allied with Byzantine (q.v.) forces, temporarily withstood Arab incursions into the 
Aures (q.v.) region. He distinguished himself at Tahoudha in 683 with the defeat of 
'Uqba ibn Nafi (q.v.). This allowed Kusayla to occupy Qayrawan and to control 
Ifriqiya for several years. The resolute Umayyad Caliph Abd al-Malik then dispatched 
Zuhair ibn Qais and an army to the West, which destroyed Kusayla and his allies at 
Membs near Qayrawan in 686. 


Berber (q.v.) tribe. At the time of the introduction of Islam to the Maghrib, the Kutama 
occupied all the land between the Aures (q.v.) and the Mediterranean. They converted 
to Shi'ism (q.v.) and provided invaluable service especially as soldiers to the Fatimids 
(q.v.). After the departure of the Caliph al-Mu'izz for Egypt, the Kutama gradually lost 
their political significance, especially since the vast majority of their fellow Muslims 
were Sunni (q.v. Sunnism). By the late nineteenth century, the Kutama had practically 

Page 257 



Nationalist; essayist; minister; ambassador. Lacheraf received an excellent education 
and eventually taught at the Lycees at Mostaganem and then at Louis-le-Grand in 
Paris. He participated in the PPA (q.v.) and the MTLD (q.v). He left the MTLD in 1952 
and later joined the FLN (q.v.) in 1954. He was captured along with Ahmed Ben Bella 
(q.v.), Hocine Ait Hocine (q.v.), Mohamed Boudiaf (q.v.), and Mohammed Khider 
(q.v.) in the infamous French skyjacking of an Air Maroc plane in October 1956. 
Lacheraf managed to escape from a clinic in 1961. 

Lacheraf helped draft the Tripoli Program (q.v.). He was appointed ambassador to 
Argentina (1965) and later Mexico (1974, 1979). He was an adviser to President 
Houari Boumedienne (q.v.), especially concerning cultural affairs. Boumedienne 
appointed him as minister of national education in April 1977. Lacheraf s tenure in this 
position was quite controversial. He questioned rapid Arabization (q.v.), the keystone 
of the Cultural Revolution (q.v.), and contended that Algeria should pursue a more 
pragmatic and programmatic approach to language (bilingualism). In 1982, President 
Chadli Benjedid (q.v.) selected Lacheraf as Algeria's permanent delegate to UNESCO 
in Paris. His most famous written work is L'Algerie: Nation et societe (1965, 1969). He 
also studied oral tradition in Chanson des jeunes filles arabes (1953). 

LAHOUEL, HOCINE (b. 1917). 

Nationalist; revolutionary. Lahouel attended high school at Skikda and joined the ENA 
(q.v.) in 1930. He was an early leader of the PPA (q.v.) and was an editor of El 
Ouma . Lahouel was arrested in 1937 and released two years later. He was torn between 
supporting the OS's (q.v.) insurrectionary tactics and the MTLD's electoral pursuits. 

He became secretary-general of the MTLD (q.v.) in 1950 and was a prominent 
Centralist (i.e., the MTLD's Central Committee) in the MTLD split. He joined the FLN 
(q.v.) in 1955 and represented this organization in Indonesia and in Pakistan. 
Thereafter he refused all political positions 

Page 258 

(though he was asked to play a diplomatic role in Latin America). In 1965 he became 
president of the National Textile Society. In 1976 Lahouel cosigned with Ferhat Abbas 
(q.v.), Ben Youssef Ben Khedda (q.v.), and Cheikh Kheiredine (q.v.) an anti- 
Boumedienne manifesto entitled "New Appeal to the Algerian People" (q.v.). He was 
placed under house arrest until President Benjedid released him. 


Poet; educator. Born at Ain Beida near Constantine, he received a traditional 
education, attended the University of Zitouna in Tunis, and taught in private schools 
and in Arabic (not French) colonial schools in Algeria. A member of the Association 
of Algerian Ulama (q.v.), Laid al-Khalifa was put under house arrest in 1954 at the 
outbreak of the War of Independence. In 1966, he was awarded the Union of Algerian 
Writers' literary prize. He influenced most of the Algerian Arabic language poets 
during the interwar years (q.v. Literature in Arabic). 


Nationalist; revolutionary; unionist. A member of the PPA (q.v.) and a prominent 
MTLD (q.v.) leader, Lakhdar joined the FLN (q.v.). He was also a businessman who 
once owned a cafe and then significantly an electronics store (radio antennas). His 
store served as a storing place for arms and a contacts point for the revolutionaries. 
After a meeting at his store attended by Ramdane Abane (q.v.), Ben Youssef Ben 
Khedda (q.v.), and others, Lakhdar asked Mufdi Zakaria (q.v.) to compose a national 
anthem ("Kassaman"). Under the auspices of the FLN, Lakhdar founded the Union 
Generate des Commercants Algeriens in 1956. He was arrested and tortured that same 
year. After independence he was elected a deputy in 1964. He eventually retired from 
political activity. 

LALLA FATIMA (FATHMA) (fl. 1850s). 

Marabout who resisted the French. In the tradition of al-Kahina (q.v.) this 

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woman continued Berber (q.v. Kabyles) resistance against the French after the death 
of Bu Baghla (q.v.). She was finally captured in July 1857. 

LAPERRINE, HENRI (1860-1920). 

French officer. A graduate of St.-Cyr and classmate and friend of Charles de Foucauld 
(q.v.), Laperrine "pacified" the Sahara through the inauguration of mobile native 
Saharan troops. He also secured a peace treaty with the Ahaggar Tuareg (q.v.) in 1905. 
When the Sahara became restive during World War I, Laperrine was called back from 
the Western Front and restored order. He died in an air crash. 


Archbishop, then Cardinal; founder of the Society of Missionaries of Africa ("White 
Fathers"). Lavigerie was very well educated and eventually held an associate 
professorship in ecclesiastical history at the Sorbonne. In 1867 Lavigerie, then serving 
as Bishop of Nancy, was sent to Algeria. This gave him an opportunity to pursue his 
interest in missionary work. 

With some difficulty he gained approval for his apostolate from the French 
government. He established the Order of White Fathers, which was conceived as 
apostolic and Ignatian in character. The White Fathers administered orphanages and 
asylums, schools, and hospitals. A complementary Missionary Sisters of Our Lady of 
Africa was founded in 1869. 

The White Fathers pursued their mission especially in Kabylia (q.v.) and the Sahara. 

In 1878 Lavigerie extended the White Fathers' work into equatorial Africa. 

Archbishop Lavigerie was elevated to a Cardinal in 1881. Three years later he became 
the first Primate of the newly restored See of Carthage. 


Nationalist; revolutionary; dissident; writer; poet. Born in Algiers, Lebjaoui was a 

Page 260 

prosperous middle-class Algerian merchant who was also a friend of Albert Camus 
(q.v.). He joined the FLN secretly in 1955. He became a member of the first CNRA 
and contributed to the Soummam Platform (q.v.). He then headed the FLN's 
Federation de France (FFFLN) (q.v.). Lebjaoui was captured and incarcerated at the 
infamous Sante prison. He became disenchanted with Houari Boumedienne (q.v.) and 
founded the dissident OCRA and then the Mouvement Algerien des Forces Populaires 
et de I'Armee pour la Democratic et ' Union Maghrebine. His written works include: 
Verites sur la Revolution algerienne (1970); Bataille dAlger ou bataille d'Algerie 
(1972); Au nom de VAlgerie (1976); Un morceau de lune et une etoile couleur de sang 
(poetry, 1975); and Sous le bras , mon soleil (poetry, 1982). 



Algeria possesses a distinguished Arabic literary heritage. Cultural centers such as 
Qal'a, Bejai'a (q.v.), Ouargla, Constantine (q.v.), Algiers (q.v.), and Tlemcen (q.v.) 
produced notable literary and scholarly achievements. Ibn Hani al-Andalusi (d. 973) 
was a famous poet from Msila. Ibn Rashiq (d. 1063), also from Msila, was the official 
poet of al-Mu'izz (q.v.) in Qayrawan (Kairouan). The writings of Abu Zakariya (d. 
1078) of Ouargla have been especially valuable to historians concerning the history of 
the Ibadis. Abu Zakariya's work was complemented by al-Wargalani (d. 1174) of the 
M'zab. In the twelfth century Ibn al-Faqqun (Ben Lefgoun) was a distinguished poet, 
and al-Khatib (Ibn Qanfud/Qonfoud) (d. 1197) was a noted historian in Constantine. 
Abu Madyan (Sidi Bou Mediene/Medin) (d. 1197) was a renowned teacher in 
Tlemcen. Al- Ghobrini (d. 1315) described the impressive array of scholars in 
Tlemcen during the thirteenth century. Tlemcen was the home of the poet Ibn Khamis 
(d. 1308), the historian of the Abd al-Wadid dynasty, al-Tanasi (d. 1493), 

Page 261 

and the theologian al-Sanusi (d. 1490). Other important intellectuals of Tlemcen 
include the judicial scholar, al-Wansharishi (d. 1508), the biographer, Ibn Maryam al- 
Maliti (d. 1605), and the historian of Andalusia, al-Maqqari (d. 1632). The renowned 
theologian Abd al-Rahman al-Tha'alibi (d. 1470) (q.v.) lived in Algiers. The brilliant 
Ibn Khaldun (d. 1406) (q.v.) lived in several Algerian cities before resettling in his 
native Tunis. Two noteworthy writers during the Regency were al-Warthilani (d. 

1780), who recounted his voyage to Mecca, and al-Tilimsani (died c. 1779), who 
described military affairs. 

Though most famous for his resistance against the French, the Amir Abd al-Qadir 
(q.v.) also wrote about religious and scientific issues besides military affairs. Shaykh 
Atfiyech (1818-1914) wrote an admired Qur'anic commentary and was a scholar of 
Islamic jurisprudence. Al-Hafnawi (18521942) researched and publicized Algeria's 
literary past. His efforts were continued by Mohammed Bencheneb (q.v.) and 
Saadeddine Bencheneb (q.v.). Other important Arabic contributors were Ibn al- 
Khodja Mostafa (1865-1915), who wrote a Treatise on the Rights of Women (1895), 
and the linguistic works of Belkacem Ben Sedira (1846-1901). Arabic was particularly 
promoted by the Association of Reformist Ulama led by the Shaykh Abd al-Hamid 
Ben Badis (q.v.). Ben Badis's influence was widespread and continues to be influential 
in contemporary Algeria. Ben Badis's work was continued by Bachir al-Ibrahimi 
(q.v.). Mubarak al-Mili (q.v.), Abderrahman al-Jilali (q.v.), and Tawfiq al-Madani 
(q.v.) contributed prominent historical works. Important modern 
poets/novelists/playwrights include Mohammed Laid al-Khalifa (q.v.) and Moufdi 
Zakaria (q.v.), Reda Houhou (q.v.), Abd al-Hamid Ben Haddouga (q.v.), Tahar Wattar 
(q.v.), Kateb Yacine (q.v.), Salah Kharfi (b. 1932), Abdallah Cheriet (b. 1933), 
Mohammed-Lakhdar Abdalqadir al-Sayhi (q.v. Saihi), Abulqasim Khammar (q.v.), 
Abdallah Rakibi, Mohammed Siddiq Mabrouka Boussaha (b. 1944), Mohammed Said 
Zahiri (d. 1956), 

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Mohammed Mouni, Zohor Ouanisi (Ounissi) (b. 1936), Ahlam Mosteghanemi (b. 
1953), Rashid Ksentini (18871944), Mahieddine Bachetarzi (b. 1896), and Mustapha 
Kateb (q.v.). Algeria's admirable modern Arabic literary production should be 
enhanced by the determined emphasis on Arabization. 

LITERATURE BY ALGERIANS (IN FRENCH) (q.v. Gabriel Audisio, Isabelle 
Eberhardt, Louis Bertrand, Jean Pomier, and Albert Camus). 

The first Algerian-written novel in French was Mohammed Ben Cherif s Ahmed Ben 
Mostapha , goumier (1920), followed by Hadj Hamou's Zohra , la femme du mineur 
(1925). These works were the products of assimilated Algerian writers. Indeed, 
Algerian writers proved that they could be as exact in syntax and creative in 
imagination as the colonizing French. This was epitomized by the works of Jean 
Amrouche (q.v.). 

The next generation of Algerian writers sought liberation and national identity (though 
Amrouche and others, e.g., Mohammed Cherif Sahli [q.v.], also researched cultural 
identity). This can be seen in the works of Kateb Yacine (q.v.), Mohammed Dib (q.v.), 
Mouloud Mammeri (q.v.), Assia Djebar (q.v.), Leila Sebbar (q.v.) (concerning the 
immigrant community), Malek Haddad (q.v.), Mouloud Feraoun (q.v.), and Rachid 
Mimouni (q.v.). In poetry, Henri Krea (q.v.), Jean Senac (q.v.), Anna Greki (q.v.), 
Bachir Hadj Ali (q.v.), and Boualem Khalfa were particularly prominent. Many of 
these same literary figures expressed disillusionment with the loss of traditional values 
and life-styles and even in the illusory promises of the revolution. This can also be 
seen in the works of Mourad Bourbonne (q.v.), Rachid Boudjedra (q.v.), Nabile Fares 
(q.v.), Mouloud Achour (q.v.), and in the poetry of Noureddine Aba (q.v.) and 
Ahmed Azeggagh (q.v.). Boudjema Bouhada (b. 1942) has distinguished himself as a 

In spite of Arabization, Algerian writers still find French to be an excellent means of 
expression. Very few of these 

Page 263 

works have been translated into English (e.g., Kateb, AW/m< 2 ;Djebar, Fantasia : An 
Algerian Cavalcade', A Sister to Scheherazade ; Women of Algiers in Their 
Apartment;md Mimouni, The Honor of the Tribe). 


Roman Algeria distinguished itself by its literary figures. The stoic Marcus Cornelius 
Fronto (1107-180?) from Cirta (Constantine [q.v.]) was a tutor of Marcus Aurelius and 
was a proponent of older, simpler styles of Latin. Lucius Apuleius (Appuleius) 

(second century) from Madaure (M'Daourouch) was the author of Metamorphoses 
and especially the Golden Ass, the adventures of a man transformed into an ass before 
Isis returns him to human form. Marcus Minucius Felix (third century) from Thelepe 
(Tebessa) was a Christian convert who authored the dialogue Octavius, which is 
known as the earliest Christian work written in Latin. Optat from Mila distinguished 
himself in the fourth century. The most renowned figure was Augustine (q.v.) from 
Thagaste (Souk Ahras), the Bishop of Hippo (Annaba), and author of Confessions 
and The City of God. 


French enabling act. This legislation, passed by the National Assembly in June 1956, 
created the procedures through which colonies could opt for internal autonomy. The 
act also established universal suffrage and single electorates in the colonies. 

A loi-cadre was tailored for Algeria during the brief premiership (May-October 1957) 
of Maurice Bourges-Manoury. The premier with the assistance of Robert Lacoste 
drafted the administrative plan. Under its provisions Algeria would be divided into 
autonomous territories linked by a federal organ. France would still manage economic 
and foreign affairs. The single electoral college increased Muslim political 
participation but also recognized ethnic particularism (e.g., the Kabyles [q.v.]), which 
aimed at sapping the strength of Algerian nationalism. 

Page 264 

The implementation of the loi-cadre could only have been achieved in a period of 
peace and only if France could assert its political authority over colonialist protest. 
That was never to be. The National Assembly repudiated the loi-cadre and with it, the 
short-lived Bourges-Manoury government. Though a redrafted loi-cadre eventually 
passed, the extension of European settler (pied-noir [q.v.]) power in the planned 
territorial assemblies diluted its political effectiveness. 

Page 265 



Abd al-Qadir's (q.v.) victory on June 28, 1835, over the French forces under General 
Camille- Alphonse Trezel. The column of 2,000 French troops marching toward Arzew 
was attacked from the hills by a large Algerian force. The French sustained heavy 
casualties. Trezel was soon replaced by General Thomas-Robert Bugeaud (q.v.). 

AF-MADANI, ABASSI (b. 1931). 

Founder and leader of the Front Islamique du Salut (FIS) (q.v.). Madani began his 
Qur'anic education before the War of Independence. He participated in a bomb attack 
against Radio Algiers during the war, which resulted in a seven-year imprisonment. 
After the war he went to England to study and earned a doctorate. He became a 
professor of education at the University of Algiers. Provoked by his frequent 
criticisms of Algeria's "un-Islamic" educational system, the Algerian government 
detained him for 18 months (released in 1984). 

Abassi and his deputy, Ali Benhadj (q.v.), founded the FIS, which received legal 
status in September 1989. His leadership was not distinguished by his theology or 
oratory (unlike Benhadj). He did communicate his ideas simply (e.g., "Neither Charter 
nor Constitution . . . only the Qur'an"), which is reminiscent of Shaykh Abd al-Hamid 
Ben Badis's (q.v.) aphorisms. The FIS effectively presented populist positions and 
especially targeted the FFN's (q.v.) corruption, which appealed to the disillusioned 
younger generation. The FIS also was very well organized, though there was some 
apparent discontent over his authoritarian control over the movement (i.e., a 
"personality cult"). In addition, the FIS appeared split ideologically. One group has 
favored a "national" movement chiefly aiming toward establishing an Islamist state in 
Algeria (Algerianistes ). Another group has preferred to attach the Algerian movement 
to international Islamism (Salafistes ). Madani adhered primarily to th q Algerianiste 

Page 266 

The success of the FIS in the local of elections of June 1990 (q.v.) gave Madani 
worldwide attention and illustrated the effectiveness of his message and organization. 
His generally moderate image was tainted, however, during the violent protests that 
postponed the national elections of June 1991 (q.v.) and led to his arrest on June 30. 
Madani had called for a "holy war" (June 28) against the Army and demanded that the 
state of siege be lifted (declared on June 5). He was finally sentenced in July 1992 to a 
generally recognized moderate 12-year imprisonment. 

The FIS's dramatic success in the first round of the rescheduled elections in December 
1991 (q.v.), even with Madani and Benhadj detained, underscored the party's effective 
organization. Though that election was cancelled by the High Council of State (q.v.), 
which also later declared the FIS illegal (February), Islamist opposition continues, but 
it is expressed today in bullets rather than ballots. 

AL-MADANI, TAWFIQ (Tewfik) (1899-1983). 

Member of the Association of Reformist Ulama (q .v.); historian; minister; 
ambassador. Al-Madani contributed profoundly toward reviving and promoting 
Arabic study (especially historiography) and culture in Algeria. His works include 
Book of Algeria (1931), an introduction to the country for the youth, which was 
implicitly nationalist. He also published The War of Three Hundred Years Between 
Algeria and Spain (1968). Al-Madani wrote the play Hannibal (1950). He was also 
the editor-in-chief of El-Basair. 

Besides his literary contribution, al-Madani played an impressive political role. He 
helped organize the Neo -Destour Party in Tunisia. He became secretary-general of the 
Association of Reformist Ulama (1952). Soon after the war began, the Ulama joined 
the FLN (q.v.). Al-Madani became a member of the external delegation (1956) and 
was later chosen minister of cultural affairs (1958) in the GPRA (q.v.). He served as 
minister for Habous (Religious Foundations) in 

Page 267 

Ahmed Ben Bella's (q.v.) first two governments. Al-Madani also served his country as 
ambassador to Iraq and Pakistan before retiring to devote himself to historical studies 
and in particular the Centre National d'Etudes Historiques (National Center of 
Historical Studies). His posthumous Memoires de Combat was published in 1989. 


A prominent confederation of Berber tribes in the Zanata group. They originally led a 
nomadic existence in the area between the Chelif valley and the mountains of the 

MAGHRIB UNITY (q.v. Morocco; Tunisia). 

An enduring ideal shared by Maghrib states to integrate themselves into some type of 
unity. Competing nationalisms prevented the tangible realization of Maghrib unity 
until the 1980s when President Chadli Benjedid (q.v.) resolutely pursued it by 
concluding accords with Tunisia and Mauritania in 1983. Despite severe differences 
and broken relations with Morocco over the Western Sahara (q .v.), Benjedid and King 
Hassan II met in 1983 and 1987, which marginally improved the bilateral relationship; 
but continuing contacts led finally to a diplomatic restoration in 1988. Algiers's 
aspiration to solve the Western Saharan War within the framework of a Great Maghrib 
framework was underscored when Morocco and POLISARIO (q.v.) consented to a 
U.N.-promoted peace proposal in August 1988. Though a final settlement to the 
Saharan War was not reached (a self-determination referendum expected to take place 
before the end of 1991 never occurred), the positive regional actions and 
achievements contributed to the creation in February 1989 of the Arab Maghrib Union 
(q.v.) dedicated to regional cooperation and integration. Its member states, Algeria, 
Morocco, Tunisia, Mauritania, and Libya, have been collaborating economically, 
culturally, and to a lesser degree, politically. The immediate aim, as of this writing, is 
the creation of a customs 

Page 268 

union. Nevertheless, political instability, especially in Algeria, has impeded integration 
initiatives, as well as the unresolved Western Saharan conflict. 

MAHSAS, ALI (b. 1923). 

Nationalist; revolutionary; minister. Born in Boudouaou, Mahsas joined the PPA (q.v.) 
in 1942 and became a member of its Central Committee in 1946. He was also a 
member of the OS (q.v.) and, along with Ahmed Ben Bella (q.v.), was imprisoned for 
his activities in that clandestine organization. He escaped with Ben Bella from prison 
in 1952 and then settled in France. As editor of L'Algerie libre,\\Q urged MTLD (q.v.) 
members to follow neither of the two splinter groups, the Centralists or the Messalists 
(q.v. Messali Hadj). Because he also saw the CRUA (q.v.) as agents of the Centralists, 
he was not invited to meet with Mohamed Boudiaf (q.v.), Ben M'Hidi (q.v.), Ben Bella 
(q.v.), Mustafa Ben Boulaid (q.v.), and Mourad Didouche (q.v.) at their Bern meeting 
in spring 1954. In fact, Mahsas did not join the revolutionary forces until after the 
outbreak of the War of Independence. He left France to join the FLN (q.v.) in Cairo in 
1955. He opposed the decisions of the Soummam Congress (q.v.) and was 
subsequently arrested in Tunisia on orders from Amar Ouamrane (q.v.). He escaped 
and spent the last years of the war in Germany. 

After independence, Mahsas served in various official positions, the most important 
of which was minister of agriculture and agrarian reform (1963-1966), which was 
concurrent with the autogestion (q.v.) period. He was also a member of the Political 
Bureau and the Central Committee of the FLN. Mahsas supported the Houari 
Boumedienne (q.v.) coup of June 1965, which deposed Ben Bella. In the next year, 
however, he left Algeria and briefly joined the OCRA. He then opted for a life of exile 
in France, though maintaining an interest in Algerian affairs. This was seen in his 
participation in an organization called the Rassemblement National pour la 
Democratic et la Revolution. He returned to Algeria in 1979. He was involved in the 

Page 269 

development of opposition parties since the October 1988 riots (q.v.) and has played a 
leading role in the Union des Forces Democratiques (UFD). 

Mahsas authored U Autogestion en Algerie (1976); and Le Mouvement revolutionnaire 
en Algerie , de la Ire Guerre mondiale a 1954 (1979). 


APCA club that organized political discussions, a small theatrical group, and other 
social, political, and cultural activities. The Maison de la Culture d'Alger sponsored a 
small periodical, La Jeune mediterrannee. 

MAISON-CARREE MUTINY (January 25, 1941). 

This can be viewed as the first rebellion in the Algerian nationalists' struggle for 
independence, which occurred when 800 Muslim infantry and Spahis mutinied 
(owing to the discrimination and deprivations to which they were subjected) and 
killed their Lrench officers and NCOs. Seizing arms from a nearby armory, the 
mutineers fought the Lrench army and police for 15 days before being suppressed. 
Leaders of the mutineers, Muslim NCOs, were observed raising the index fingers of 
their right hands toward Heaven, representing the Muslim unity and purity. The 
gesture also symbolized jihad, as well as Messali Hadj's (q.v.) nationalist cause. 

MALEK, REDA (REDHA; RIDA) (b. 1931). FLN (q.v.) 

ideologue; ambassador; minister; president of the Conseil Consultatif National (CCN) 
(q.v.); member of the High Council of State (HCS) (q.v.). Malek served as director of 
El-Moudjahid during the War of Independence and participated in the Evian 
negotiations (spokesman for the Algerian delegation). He was a co-writer of the 
Tripoli Program (q.v.). Though he served briefly as minister of information and 
culture (1978), Malek had a distinguished career as a diplomat serving in Belgrade, 
Paris, Moscow, Washington (during the Iranian hostage crisis), and London. He was 

Page 270 

removed, however, from the FLN's Central Committee by President Chadli Benjedid 
(q.v.). Malek left retirement to serve on and subsequently preside over the CCN. He 
was chosen to serve on the HCS itself following the elevation of Ali Kafi (q.v.) to the 
presidency after Mohamed Boudiafs assassination (q.v.) (June 1992). In February 
1993, Prime Minister Belaid Abdesselam (q.v.) appointed Malek as a foreign minister. 
In August, the HCS replaced Abdesselam with Malek. 


The dominant Islamic juridical school in Algeria and the Maghrib. Named after Malik 
ibn Anas (q.v.). Malikism is based primarily on the Medinan community; it is against 
general consensus (ijma), private opinion (my), and analogy (qiyas). Its rigidity was 
protested by the renowned theologian al-Ghazali (1058-1112). 

MAMMERI, MOULOUD (1917-1989). 

Novelist; poet. Mammeri was born in Taourirt-Mimoun in Great Kabylia (q.v.) and 
earned the reputation as one of Algeria's greatest literary figures during the era of 
decolonization. He wrote in French, but he also promoted Berber culture (especially 
poetry). The Algerian government intervened in 1980 when Mammeri planned a 
program concerning Kabyle culture. This provoked rioting (q.v. Kabyles). 

Mammeri attended the Lycee Bugeaud and the Lycee Louis-le-Grand. He intended to 
enroll in the Ecole Normale Superieure but World War II broke out. Eventually 
Mammeri became a professor at the University of Algiers and director of the Center of 
Anthropo logical, Prehistoric, and Ethnographic Research. 

Mammeri's literary contributions describe the difficulties in reconciling native 
(especially Kabyle) and French culture. His novels are La Colline oubliee (1952); Le 
Sommeil du juste (1955); L' Opium et le baton (1965), one of the best novels 
concerning the war; and La Traversee (1982), which discloses his own disillusionment 
with independent Algeria. His works concerning Berber culture are distinguished by 

Page 271 

Les Isefra, poemes de Si Mohand ou Mhand (1969); Poemes kabyles anciens (1980); 
Machaho! (1980); and Tellem chaho! (1980). He was also an accomplished playwright 
(Le Banquet, precede de La mort absurde des Azteques [1973] and Le Foehn [1982]). 
Mammeri died in an automobile accident. 


Proclamation of February 10, 1943, concluding that the Europeans and the Algerians 
were distinct "without common soul." It demanded specific reforms such as the 
condemnation and end of colonialism and of the exploitation of the Algerian people 
by France. It called for the right of self-determination and a constitution for Algeria 
guaranteeing absolute liberty and equality. The document was signed by Ferhat Abbas 
(who was most responsible for it), Dr. Mohammed Saleh Bendjelloul, and other 
moderate leaders. While the document made sweeping demands, it did not specifically 
propose what the future relationship would be between France and Algeria. The 
Manifesto was presented to Governor-General Peyrouton on March 31, 1943, who 
viewed it as a framework for future reform. This conciliatory position was meant, in 
part, to persuade Muslims to join Allied forces against the Axis powers. A later 
document, the Additif, was attached (May) to the Manifesto and was much more 
specific in demands. The Manifesto was the first major document to speak of a 
sovereign Algerian nation and an Algerian state. It disclosed, too, how the moderate 
nationalists had moved toward more radical positions since the Blum-Viollette 
legislation (q.v.). The Manifesto was rejected by the colonial authorities, but it did 
persuade the French to implement changes such as the Ordinance of March 7, 1944 

AL-MANSUR (reign 984-996). Zirid (q.v.) ruler. 

Al-Mansur freed himself from the Fatimids (q.v.) and defeated the Kutama (q.v.). This 
instability allowed the Zenata (q.v.) to secure themselves in the western Maghrib. 

Page 272 

AL-MANSUR (d. 1104). Hammadid (q.v.) ruler. 

He succeeded his father, al-Nasir, in 1088 and moved the capital to Bejaia in an effort 
to protect it from nomadic attacks (e.g., Banu Hilal [q.v.]). Al-Mansur found himself 
faced with the combined opposition of the Zenata and the Almoravids (q.v.). After the 
fall of Ashir, the traditional stronghold of his family, al-Mansur raised an army and 
defeated both the Almoravids and the Zenata, whom he drove into the mountains of 
Kabylia (q.v.). He also defeated the Banu Hilal. 


Fatimid (q.v.) caliph. As third caliph, he came to power during the time that Abu 
Yazid (q.v.) was threatening the Fatimids. He finally defeated the Khariji (q.v. 
Kharijism) leader and later his son, thereby resecuring the Fatimid control of Ifriqiya 
(including eastern Algeria). The Caliph also built up the Fatimid navy, which had 
notable successes against the Byzantines. Al-Mansur moved the capital from al- 
Mahdiya to al-Mansuriya (947). He died suddenly at the age of thirty-nine. 

MARCH DECREES (q.v. Introduction; Agriculture; Autogestion). 


An incident in the department of Oran in the spring of 1901. A Muslim preacher 
named Yacoub (Yakub) incited his followers to take over the settlement of 
Margueritte. As a result, the subprefect was held prisoner, French property was looted, 
and a rural policemen and five Europeans were killed. The incident sparked lively 
debate on the floor of the French Chamber of Deputies concerning its origins and 
drew attention to the conflicting colonial theories of assimilation (q.v.) and association 
(q.v.). The immediate result was an extension of disciplinary commissions, the 
Tribunaux repressifs indigenes .F or the succeeding decade, the affair served a public 
admission that the Algerian Muslim had been injuriously 

Page 273 

ignored. It also reminded the colonial establishment of the explosive potential of the 
oppressed colonized population. 


Masinissa was the King of Numidia (q.v.) (eastern Algeria). He succeeded his father 
Gala as chief of the Eastern Numidian Massyli (Masaesyli) c. 208 B.C. At first, he was 
allied with the Carthaginians. His rival, Syphax of Siga (q.v.), ruler of the western 
Numidian Massyli, overthrew him with Carthaginian assistance. Masinissa allied 
himself with the Romans, aided Scipio in his victory over Hannibal and Syphax at 
Zama in 202 B.C., and was rewarded with all of Numidia. 

Masinissa established his capital at Cirta (Constantine [q.v.]) and strengthened his 
kingdom with a formidable army and navy during his reign. He promoted agriculture 
and commerce (apparently a genuinely "money economy," i.e., coins were struck for 
general use besides for symbolic or commemorative reasons). His seizures of 
Carthaginian territory were achieved with the implicit support of Rome, which still 
feared the still prosperous but defenseless Carthage. In 154 B.C., Masinissa 
expropriated the fertile territory less than 100 miles from Carthage. The Carthaginians, 
fearing more Massyli incursions, attempted to ally with the Mauretanians and Libyans. 
At the age of eighty-eight, Masinissa was victorious over the Carthaginians in 150 B.C. 
The old king now entertained ambitions of taking over Carthage. 

Rome did not want to see another powerful state established across the Mediterranean. 
That fear, compounded by the pathological fear of Carthage heightened by Cato's 
oratory (. Delenda est Car/Tz^gr/'Carthagemust be destroyed!"), resulted in an 
expedition to take over Carthage. A three-year war culminated in the brutal carnage of 
Carthage in 146 B.C. Rome established itself in North Africa. Masinissa died during 
the siege of Carthage. 

Masinissa's kingdom and his personal dynamism was highly regarded by Algerian 
nationalists. It was also used as 

Page 274 

another argument to repudiate colonialist efforts denying a past Algerian sovereignty 
Masinissa received admiring attention in the "enriched" National Charter of January 
1986 (q.v.). 


A study of the financial relationship between Algeria and France issued in June 1955. 
The report revealed that most Algerian Muslims had an average income of $45/year. 
Only 50,000 Muslims earned as much as $502/year. Conversely, no European earned 
less than $240/year. The minuscule graduation of taxes, the report concluded, also 
operated to the advantage of the wealthy Europeans. These disclosures staggered and 
embarrassed Paris. Citing the enormous stagnation and underdevelopment, the report 
recommended an annual increase in public expenditure of 15 billion AF ( Anciens 
Francs)?L year, reaching 150 billion AF in 1962. 


This was one of the powerful tribes of northern Algeria. The eventual kingdom of the 
Massyli ranged more than 500 miles to the west of Cape Bougaroun, north of 
Constantine. The Massyli had two capitals: Siga and, most famous, Cirta (Constantine 
[q.v.]). This was the tribe of Masinissa (q.v.). 


The ancient Latin name for an area of North Africa bounded on the east by Algiers, on 
the south by the Atlas mountains, and on the west by the Atlantic Ocean. The land 
was composed of tribal federations by at least the fourth century B.C. At first, the 
Mauretanians were pastoralists, but by the time the Romans conquered the region, the 
society was markedly sedentary, particularly as noted by its wheat production. Little is 
known of its history prior to 108 B.C. when Bocchus I emerged as an ambitious ruler 
over the tribal chiefs. He cooperated with the Numidians against the Romans and 
received territorial compensations. In 106 B.C., Bocchus 

Page 275 

turned to the Romans (symbolically delivering to them Jugurtha [q.v.], his son-in-law) 
and thereby secured Roman recognition of his control as far east as the Chelif River. 
Around 80 B.C. the Bogud dynasty appeared, and by 50 B.C. the kingdom was 
divided along the Muluccha River, the east under the rule of Bocchus II and the west 
of Bogud II. As a result of Bogud's support of Antony in the Roman civil war, the 
victorious Octavian awarded both kingdoms to Bocchus. Upon the end of the dynasty 
in 25 B.C., Emperor Augustus awarded both kingdoms to the Numidian prince Juba 
II. His successor Ptolemaeus was executed by Caligula in A.D. 39, and the two 
kingdoms became Roman provinces under the titles of Mauretania Tingitana and 
Mauretania Caesariensis. The first major uprising of the Kabyles of Mauretania 
Caesariensis occurred in 259, and the areas east of Algiers continued to be under the 
control of local chieftains. In 289, the Trans stagnensis nomads also rebelled. As a 
result, Rome largely abandoned Mauretania Caesariensis west of the Chelif. When the 
Vandals invaded Mauretania in 429, the collapse of Roman authority was complete. 

MECILI, ALL (d. 1987). 

Close colleague of Hocine Ait Ahmed (q.v.); lawyer. Mecili, a Kabyle (q.v.), was the 
son of an instituteur (teacher/teaching aid/instructor) who joined the ALN as a 
teenager. After the war he joined Ait Ahmed's FFS (q.v.) in opposition to the 
government of Ahmed Ben Bella (q.v). He was arrested along with Ait Ahmed. Mecili 
moved to France and studied law at Aix-en-Provence. Ironically, he became renowned 
for his defense of the expulsion from France of 13 Ben Bellists in 1986. The forty- 
seven-year-old lawyer was murdered in April 1987. Ait Ahmed attributed Mecili's 
death to the Algerian governmental agents. Mecili was regarded as an advocate of 
democracy in Algeria. 

MEDEGHRI, AHMED (1934-1974). 

Minister. Born in Oran, Medeghri was a schoolteacher before the War of 
Independence. During the war he served with FLN (q.v.) representa- 

Page 276 

tives in Morocco and became a major in Houari Boumedienne's (q.v.) external army in 
Morocco. After the war he was a prefect, a deputy in the National Assembly, and then 
minister of the interior under Ahmed Ben Bella (q.v.). This latter position became 
highly controversial when Medeghri, a staunch Boumedienne loyalist, resigned in 
protest (July 1964) over Ben Bella's decision to have prefects report directly to the 
president. His resignation heightened the tension between Boumedienne and Ben Bella 
and contributed to the coup of June 1965. After Boumedienne seized power, Medeghri 
returned as minister of the interior, a post he held until his death as a result of a car 
accident. This powerful minister was said to have become disenchanted with 
Boumedienne. The reported cause of his death (automobile accident) was viewed as 


Nationalist; revolutionary; minister; ambassador; head of FLN (q.v.). Mehri came from 
a very poor family, but he disclosed an excellent aptitude for scholarship, especially in 
Arabic literature (attended the University of Zitouna [Tunis]). He served with the 
(PPA-) MTLD (q.v. Messali Hadj). In 1953 he served on the Central Committee of the 
MTLD. In 1954 he resisted an appeal from the CRUA (q.v.) to be its spokesman. 

Mehri was arrested in 1954 and released a year later. 

He joined the FLN serving as its representative in Damascus in 1955. In 1956 he was 
elected to the CNRA (q.v.) and the CCE (q.v.) in 1957. Having an interest in Maghribi 
affairs that predated the outbreak of the revolution (Mohamed Boudiaf [q.v.] had 
introduced him to Moroccan nationalists; Mehri also had served as a Messalist liaison 
with the Tunisian Neo -Destour party), he became the GPRA's (q.v.) minister of North 
African affairs in 1958. He was appointed the minister of social and cultural affairs 
(1960-1961) in the second GPRA. After the war he become the director of the Ecole 
Normale at Bouzareah. 

Page 277 

After Colonel Houari Boumedienne's (q.v.) coup of June 1965 (q.v.), he returned to 
politics and served in several positions: secretary-general of the Ministry of Primary 
and Secondary Education (1970-1977); FLN Central Committee (1979); minister of 
information and culture (1979); FLN Political Bureau (1984); and ambassador to 
France (1984). After the restoration of relations with Rabat, he became ambassador to 
Morocco (1988). He was then called back to Algiers after the October Riots (q.v.) and 
made head of the FLN secretariat, replacing Mohamed Cherif Messaadia (q.v.). Mehri 
and the FLN endured humiliating electoral losses (q.v. Elections of 1990; 1991). 
Though the FLN protested the High Council of State's (HCS) (q.v.) cancellation of 
national legislative elections, it remains divided concerning support of the HCS's 


A town north of the Sahara that was the site of an ALN (q.v.) assault on May 28, 1957, 
that resulted in the death of approximately 300 civilians who were suspected to be 
supporters of Messali Hadj (q.v.) and Mohamed Bellounis (q.v.). The French 
publicized the atrocity internationally to disparage the FLN (q.v.). 


Preliminary though premature discussions between GPRA (q.v.) and French 
government. After President Charles de Gaulle (q.v.) announced on June 14, 1960 that 
he would be willing to speak to "leaders of the insurrection," the GPRA dispatched 
Mohammed Ben Yahia (q.v.) and Ahmed Boumendjel (q.v.). The two FLN 
representatives were quartered in Melun. The French demanded a cease-fire before 
serious negotiations. The Algerians refused and asked for discussions with a French 
official at the ministerial level. This was not offered by de Gaulle. The discussions 
ended quickly. The short-lived conference benefited the GPRA because it provided 

Page 278 

positive international publicity. The talks were conducted courteously and were 
actually an important step toward more substantial discussions the following year and 
finally those of February-March 1962 culminating in the Evian Accords (q.v.). 

MENDJLI, ALL (b. 1922). 

Nationalist; revolutionary; president of the National Assembly. Born near Skikda, 
Mendjli was a member of the MTLD (q.v.) and then joined the FLN (q.v.). He 
campaigned in Kabylia (q.v.) in the ALN (q.v.) and along the Algerian-Tunisian 
border. He was elected to the CNRA (q.v.) (1959). Mendjli was attached to the 
Algerian negotiating team. His mission was to observe for Houari Boumedienne (q.v.). 
After the war he served as a deputy in the National Assembly and was elevated to its 
vice presidency. As a member of the Political Bureau (1964), he reportedly urged an 
acceleration in nationalizations. Mendjli was close to both Ahmed Ben Bella (q.v.) and 
Boumedienne, but he apparently was not part of the Colonel's plot to overthrow the 
president. After the coup of June 1965 (q.v.), he held the title of president of the 
National Assembly, but it no longer convened. 

MERBAH, KASDI (Abdallah Khalaf/Khalef/Khelef) (19381993). 

Security chief; prime minister. Merbah was director of military security from 1962 and 
planned the FLN (q.v.) Congress, which confirmed Chadli Benjedid (q.v.) as president 
in 1979. He became a cabinet member in 1980 and held the agriculture portfolio from 
January 1984 to February 1988. He played an important role in dismantling the 
socialist sector and privatizing it. In February 1988 he became minister of health. 

Merbah was regarded as one of the most effective leaders within the FLN. He was 
appointed prime minister after the October 1988 riots (q.v.). He protested the rapid 
pace of reform and was unable to stem rising prices, which led to his dismissal on 
September 9, 1989, which he considered 

Page 279 

unconstitutional. He averted a national crisis by stepping down. He remained an active 
member of the Central Committee before establishing the Mouvement Algerien pour 
la Justice et le Developpement (MAJD). His repudiation of the FLN was regarded as a 
serious blow to the party. 

MERBAH, MOULAY (b. 1913). 

Messalist (q.v. Messali Hadj). Merbah joined the PPA (q.v.) in 1944. He became a 
member of the Central Committee of the MTLD (q.v.) in 1951 and a member of its 
Political Bureau in 1954. During the War of Independence he served the MNA (q.v.) in 
Europe and at the United Nations. After the war he was secretary-general of the PPA 
(q.v.), which had been reformed in 1962. He resigned after Messali Hadj (q.v.) 
hesitated in calling for a general meeting of the organization. In October 1962, he 
unsuccessfully attempted to reconcile with the FLN's (q.v.) Political Bureau. He was 
arrested and then freed. He then became a lawyer in Medea. 


Revolutionary; FLN (q.v.) party leader. Messaadia was a student at the University of 
Zitouna, Tunis. During the War of Independence, Messaadia was implicated in the 
"plot of the colonels." Excused by the special court appointed to try the plotters, he 
was one of several young officers sent to open a southern front that would operate 
from Mali and Niger. This was an attempt by the ALN (q.v.) to outmaneuver the 
Morice Line (1960) (q.v.) (fortifications along the Algerian-Tunisian border). He was a 
deputy of the Constituent National Assembly and then the National Assembly. He 
became a member of the Central Committee of the FLN in 1964 and held a series of 
functions within the party. Messaadia became minister of veterans (. Moudjahidine ) 
(1979-1980). He then was chosen by President Chadli Benjedid (q.v.) to head the FLN 
Permanent Secretariat. This was an unpopular choice among the party, given 
Messaadia's rather undistinguished and bureaucratic career. Messaadia also became a 

Page 280 

member of the Political Bureau (1981). He was replaced on October 30, 1988, by 
Abdelhamid Mehri (q.v.) in order to revitalize the FLN after that month's rioting. He 
later associated with an anti-Benjedidist faction within the FLN. 

MESSALI (Mesli) HADJ (1898-1974). 

Paramount nationalist. Messali was born in Tlemcen (q.v.) and was the son of a 
shoemaker. In his youth he was influenced by the Darqawa (q.v.) brotherhood. Before 
becoming Algeria's chief nationalist figure, Messali served in the French Army, 
enrolled in Arabic classes at French higher institutions, and worked a variety of jobs. 
Messali joined the Etoile Nord-Africaine (ENA) (q.v.) and quickly replaced Hadj Ali 
Abdelkader (q.v.) as the organization's leader in 1926. He attended the Brussels 
Congress in 1927, where he met Jawaharlal Nehru, Achmed Sukarno, and Ho Chi 
Minh. The ENA was dissolved in November 1929. 

While in temporary exile in Switzerland, he met Shaykh Arslan (q.v.), an early 
spokesman for Pan-Islamic and Pan- Arabic ideologies. He regenerated the ENA {La 
Glorieuse Etoile Nord-Africaine)m 1933, but it became clearly an Algerian nationalist 
movement and no longer subscribed to communist internationalism. The objective 
was establishment of an Arab independent Algerian state. Messali supported the 
Popular Front until disagreement with the Blum government over colonial issues led 
him to separate himself and the ENA from the French Left. The Popular Front 
disbanded the ENA in January 1937. In March 1937 he launched the Parti du Peuple 
Algerien (PPA) (q.v.). 

Messali opposed the Blum-Viollette legislation (q.v.) and was opposed to the moderate 
Algerian Muslim Congress (q.v.). It seemed too moderate. Nevertheless, Messali 
Hadj's influence forced political rivals and parties (e.g., Abd al-Hamid Ben Badis 
[q.v.], Ferhat Abbas [q.v.], Mohammed Saleh Bendjelloul [q.v.], and the PCA [q.v. 
Algerian Communist Party]) to become more radical. Because of his political views 
and activities, Messali was arrested in 1941 

Page 281 

and sentenced to hard labor. He was forced to reside in southern Algeria, then 
transferred to Brazzaville in Central Africa. At the end of World War II, he was 
amnestied and returned to Algeria. He accepted leadership of the Amis du Manifeste et 
de Liberte (AML) (q.v.) organized by Abbas, and for a brief period it appeared that 
the Algerian nationalist movement had attained unity and solidarity. The arrest of 
Messali and deportation proceedings contributed to the outbreak at Setif (q.v.) and 
Guelma in May 1945. 

Messali then founded the Mouvement pour le Triomphe des Libertes Democratiques 
(MTLD) (q.v.) to replace the PPA, which had been outlawed by the French authorities 
(though the PPA continued secretly within his new political framework, thus the 
occasional designation of PPA-MTLD). Younger members of the movement pressured 
a reluctant Messali to accelerate his demands for Algerian independence. Messali's 
ambivalence led to the formation of the Organisation Speciale (OS) (q.v.) in 1947 
and finally in 1954 the Comite Revolutionnaire d Unite et d Action (CRUA) (q.v.) and 
the Front de Liberation Nationale (FLN) (q.v.). The MTLD also endured the 
"Berberist Crisis" (q.v.) in 1949. This was caused by Kabyles (q.v.) who protested the 
emphasis on Arabism within the movement. They also questioned Messali's 
authoritarian control. In 1953-1954, the MTLD split between "Centralists" and 
"Messalists." The "Centralists" (from the Central Committee of the MTLD), like the 
OS, wanted immediate action to liberate the country. 

The events of November 1954 eclipsed Messali, and he became less effective as the 
War of Independence progressed. He tried to compete with the FLN by organizing in 
December 1954 the Mouvement National Algerien (MNA) (q.v.), but his time had 
passed. Indeed, the FLN and MNA conducted ruthless operations against each other 
(q.v. Mohammed Bellounis; Melouza). It was a tragic dimension of the War of 
Independence. An effort to regenerate the PPA immediately after the war was rejected 
by the ruling FLN. 

Page 282 

Messali Hadj was still in exile, ironically from independent Algeria, when he died in 
France. He was buried in his native Tlemcen in 1974. Les Memoires de Messali Hadj 
was published in 1982. 

MESSIMY, ADOLPHE (1869-1935). 

Assimilationist (q.v. Assimilation) French republican politician and military specialist. 
While in the military, Messimy rose to the rank of captain of light cavalry. He then 
served in the French Chamber as a deputy from the department of the Seine. During 
the pre- World War I years, he supported full use of Algerian troops in the French 
Army. In 1912, Messimy presented a report to the Chamber proposing a series of 
reforms of the Code de Vindigenat (q.v.), an expansion of the number of Muslim seats 
in Algerian assemblies, and an easier naturalization process for Algerians who could 
demonstrate French language proficiency or French professional training. He 
continued to press for similar reforms through 1914. Messimy returned to military 
service with the outbreak of World War I. 

MEZERNA, AHMED (1907-1982). 

Nationalist. A member of the PNR ( Parti National Revo l ntio n n a ire) , an Algerian pre- 
ENA (q.v.) organization linked to the French Communist Party (PCF), Mezerna 
eventually became a leading supporter of Messali Hadj (q.v.). He joined the ENA and 
its successor, the PPA. In 1938 he was made secretary of the Algiers Federation of the 
PPA. Repeatedly arrested and condemned by the French colonial authorities, he 
remained a Messalist leader during World War II. Mezerna played an important role in 
organizing the May 1945 protests (q.v. Setif), which subsequently led to his 
imprisonment (19451946). Along with Jellouli Fares of the Tunisian Neo -Destour 
party and Mehdi Ben Barka of the Moroccan Istiqlal party, Mezerna lobbied the 
United Nations for North African independence. As a loyal supporter, he sided with 
Messali during the MTLD split and was in Cairo for negotiations 

Page 283 

with the CRUA (q.v.) when the War of Independence broke out on October 31- 
November 1, 1954. In July 1955, he was arrested by Egyptian authorities, apparently at 
the request of the FLN leaders who did not trust his Messalist past. 

MICIPSA(d. 118 B.C.). 

King of Numidia (q.v.) (148-118). Eldest son of Masinissa, he shared power with his 
brothers Mastanbal and Gulusa until he overpowered them both. He furnished the 
Roman armies in North Africa with grain and troops. He also promoted a greater 
Roman commercial presence within his realm. Micipsa adopted Jugurtha (q.v.), his 
nephew, as a co-successor (along with Adherbal). 

AL MILE MUBARAK (1897- 1945). 

Member of the Association of Reformist Ulama (q.v.); historian. Born in El-Milia in 
Lesser (Little) Kabylia (q.v.), he wrote in Arabic and viewed history (like Tawfiq al- 
Madani [q.v.]) as a means to develop consciousness and national identity. His most 
important book was History of Algeria in the Past and in the Present (1931). 

MIMOUNI, RACHID (b. 1945). 

Writer. Mimouni, a specialist in economics and development, is one of contemporary 
Algeria's leading new novelists. His works consider the contradictions concerning the 
promise and reality of independence. His novels include Printemps n'en sera que plus 
beau (1978); Fleuve detourne (1982); Tombeza (1984); and L'Honneur de la tribu 
(1989) (translated into English as Honor of the Tribe). 


Algeria is mineral-rich. Along the Tunisian border, iron ore is mined at Ouenza and 
Bou Khadra and phosphates at Djebel Kouif and especially Djebel Onk. In 1988, 3.1 
million metric tons of high-grade iron ore and 1.2 million metric tons of phosphates 
were produced. There is also modest mercury, lead, and zinc production. Coal is 
mined near the Moroccan border at Kenadsa southwest of Bechar. A very rich but 

Page 284 

unexploited deposit of iron ore is at Gara Djebilet, southwest of Tindouf, in the far 
west along the border with Mali. The Ahaggar Mountains hold uranium. 


Fourth Republic minister; president of Fifth Republic. As minister of interior in the 
Mendes-France government, Mitterrand reported to the premier in October 1954 his 
concern over conditions in Algeria. After the revolution began a month later, 
Mitterrand affirmed that 'Algeria is France" and soon introduced a series of reforms. 
The "Mitterrand Plan" addressed social economic needs such as land reclamation and 
equitable salaries. Mitterrand extended democracy by instituting women's suffrage. His 
efforts to make the Statute of Algeria (q.v.) more liberal angered anxious pieds-noirs 
(q.v.). Under the Faure government, Mitterrand served as minister of justice. This was 
a difficult period as torture was used systematically in Algeria. Mitterrand is credited 
with tempering its abuses and intervening in other cases. 

As head of the French Socialist Party during the Fifth Republic, Mitterrand visited 
Algiers in 1976. This trip was done in part to reconcile his controversial past with 
independent Algeria. He called for a "redress" {redress ement ) in French-Algerian 
relations during that period of bilateral difficulties (especially over commercial 
imbalances and the war in Western Sahara [q.v.]). 

After becoming president in 1981, Mitterrand pursued a "redress," resulting in 
numerous accords of "codevelopment" highlighted by the February 1982 LNG accord 
(q.v. Hydrocarbon Sector). He hosted President Chadli Benjedid's (q.v.) state visit in 
November 1983. Relations declined in late 1984, but revived especially after the 
October 1988 riots (q.v.). France provided political, financial, and economic 
assistance to the beleaguered Benjedid government. It also continued financial support 
(February-March 1992) to the High Council of State (HCS). Mitterrand's government 
has generally pursued a "wait-and- 

Page 285 

see" policy concerning the difficult current situation in Algeria. Most recently, it seems 
ready to resume a more "normal" cooperation (q.v.). 

MOHAMMEDI, SAID (b. 1912). 

Soldier; revolutionary. Mohammedi fought in the French Army, then in the 
Wehrmacht (German Army). The Germans parachuted him into Tunisia in 1944 and 
he was captured by French troops and subsequently imprisoned. He joined the ALN 
(q.v.) and commanded Wilaya III. He was appointed to the CNRA (q.v.) and became 
minister of state in the GPRA (q.v.). He was vice president in Ahmed Ben Bella's (q.v.) 
second and third governments. He was close to Houari Boumedienne, but he 
apparently was not among the plotters of the coup of June 1965 (q.v.). 


Proposal submitted before the French Chamber of Deputies in 1911. Actually 
prepared by Governor-General Jonnart (q.v.), it called for a renewal of the powers of 
local Algerian officials in the communes mixtes (q.v.) for seven years, but reduced the 
extent of their jurisdiction. It rivaled the Rozet project submitted in 1909. Both 
proposals were seen as attacks on the Code de Vindigenat (q.v.). 


Athlete. Morceli was born in Tenes. Along with his compatriot, Hassiba Boulmerka 
(q.v.), he won the 1,500 meters in the 1991 World Championships. This was the first 
time that a country produced two champions in the same event. Morceli also holds the 
indoor world record in the 1,500 meters (3:32.84). Though he was the favorite at the 
Barcelona Olympics (1992), he was boxed in during the 1,500 meters and failed to 
earn the expected gold medal. After the Olympics, he soon, however, reestablished his 
athletic dominance in his event. Morceli is a devout Muslim. He nonetheless has 
supported Boulmerka, who has been denounced by conservative Muslim clerics for 
her athletic career. Morceli like Boulmerka is a recipient of the Order of Merit. 

Page 286 


Name given to a barrier erected along the Tunisian border in 1957 by the French 
under the direction of the French Defense minister, Andre Morice. It was intended to 
restrict the flow of supplies and troops from Tunisia to the ALN (q.v.) and also to 
defend the highway and rail system from Bone (Annaba [q.v.]) to Tebessa. Set about 
40 kilometers from the Tunisian border, it was approximately 450 kilometers in length. 
It consisted of two rows of electrified (5,000 volts) barbed wire on either side of a 
roadway and was set off by fields of antipersonnel minefields. In 1959 the line was 
doubled in the north from Soux-Ahras to Cape Roux and in the center in front of the 
minefields. It was highly effective separating the internal from the external ALN. 


Algeria and Morocco have had a very close, if not a mutual history especially seen 
during the periods of the Almoravids (q.v.) and the Almohads (q.v.). The Moroccan 
Marinid dynasty competed with the Algerian Abd al-Wadids (q.v.). During Abd al- 
Qadir's (q.v.) resistance to the French, the Sultanate gave assistance to the Amir until 
the Battle of Isly (1844), resulting in the Treaty of Tangiers between France and 
Morocco. The Sultanate also influenced the prominent Awlad Sidi Shaykh (q.v.) in 
western Algeria. 

During the colonial period, the respective administrations argued over the frontiers 
between the two territories. As Algeria neared independence, Ferhat Abbas (q.v.) 
negotiated an agreement with Rabat in July 1961, calling for a final border delineation 
after the War of Independence. This was done, in part, to prevent Morocco from 
concluding a frontier settlement with the French. 

After Algeria attained independence, Morocco waited for the fulfillment of this 
agreement. President Ahmed Ben Bella (q.v.) declared, however, that the western 
border was permanent. When his government was shaken by the Kabyle (q.v.) revolt 
of October-November 1963, Morocco seized frontier posts. The "Border War" (q.v.) 
was short-lived, but 

Page 287 

it underscored that the fraternal feelings during the War of Independence were over. 

Relations warmed after Houari Boumedienne (q.v.) came to power. King Hassan 
attended the OAU summit in Algiers in 1968. Summit meetings in January 1969 in 
Morocco and in May 1970 in Algeria led to the establishment of commissions to settle 
outstanding bilateral contentions, especially the border problem. On June 15, 1972, 
two conventions were signed that called for the recognition of the present border and 
the mutual exploitation of the iron deposits at Gara Djebilet. Though Morocco 
refrained, Algeria ratified the conventions in 1973. 

The decolonization of the Spanish Sahara produced more problems. Algerian actions 
seemed paradoxical. Apparently Foreign Minister Abdelaziz Bouteflika (q.v.) was 
willing to accept a partition of the Spanish Sahara between Morocco and Mauritania as 
long as the 1972 conventions were ratified. Hassan seemed very pleased with this 
proposal. When Bouteflika returned to Algiers, President Boumedienne reportedly 
rejected his foreign minister's actions. When the Madrid Accords of November 1975 
divided the Spanish Sahara between Morocco and Mauritania, Algeria gave the 
POLISARIO (q.v.), the Sahrawi liberation organization, massive support. 
Boumedienne probably felt he had been betrayed by King Hassan. Formal relations 
broke as a result of the crisis and conflict. 

As the War in Western Sahara continued, President Chadli Benjedid (q.v.) and King 
Hassan met in 1983, which achieved little. From 1984 to 1986, Morocco and Libya 
agreed to be allies (Oujda Treaty). This was a counterpoise to President Chadli 
Benjedid's (q.v.) 1983 accords with Mauritania (pulled out of Western Sahara in 1979 
[q.v. Algiers Agreement]) and Tunisia. Benjedid and Hassan met again in 1987. In May 
1988 relations were renewed. Then in February 1989, the Arab Maghrib Union (q.v. 
Maghrib Unity) was signed promising further regional cooperation if not collaboration 
(e.g., plans for a natural gas trunk line to Morocco). In 

Page 288 

March 1989, Morocco ratified the 1972 conventions. Morocco has kept a particularly 
anxious watch on Algeria's domestic developments since the October 1988 riots (q.v.). 

MOULAY, ABDELKADER (19247-1971). 

Soldier. Moulay was born into a well-to-do family in Oran province and received a 
very good French education. He joined the army and in an 18-year career, he reached 
the rank of major. Moulay, along with several other Algerians, deserted in 1958 and 
reached Morocco. He remained with the external ALN (q.v.). After independence he 
was the chief of the Cabinet of the Ministry of Defense and a member of the General 
Staff. He eventually was appointed secretary-general of the Ministry of National 
Defense. He died in a helicopter accident. 


Militant Islamist organization. The MIA has pursued a violent campaign against the 
HCS (q.v.) government (q.v.) (200 to 400 soldiers and policemen died during 1992). 
The MIA's recognized leader is Abdelkader Chebouti. 


The MTLD was reorganized by Messali Hadj (q.v.) as the MNA in December 1954, 
one month after the beginning of the War of Independence. In order to seize the 
revolutionary initiative from the FLN (q.v.), the MNA also initiated guerrilla 

Though both the FLN and the MNA had much in common, repeated efforts to unite 
the two organizations failed, leading to interelite violence. As French forces laid back 
to observe the nationalist carnage in Algeria and France, MNA and ALN units 
conducted ferocious attacks on each other. The fratricidal violence was symbolized by 
the ALN's atrocious massacre of MNA sympathizers (300 dead) at Melouza (q.v.) in 
May 1957. Though the MNA military and political threat became inconsequential, 
especially after the Mohammed Bellounis (q.v.) affair, the FLN continued its 

Page 289 

campaign against it and any other nationalist group that questioned its legitimacy 


This party was organized by Messali Hadj after the Setif uprising (q.v.) as a successor 
party to the banned Parti du Peuple Algerien (PPA). The PPA continued to operate 
secretly, though within a new Messalist framework (thereby the occasional designation 
of PPA-MTLD). The MTLD acted as the electoral party, while the PPA continued to 
pursue purely nationalist objectives. Impatient younger members in the MTLD were 
permitted to form the paramilitary Organisation Speciale (OS) (q.v.) in 1947 
(suppressed in 1950). Concurrently, the "Berberist Crisis" (q.v.) arose in which Berber 
members questioned the emphasis on Arabism and also Messali's authoritarianism. 

The Messalist movement became embroiled among legalists, Berbers, and 
revolutionaries. In 1953, the MTLD split as "Centralists" (of the Central Committee) 
demanded an immediate preparation for revolution. They were opposed by the 
"Messalists." Eventually, a third group broke from the intraelite conflict and formed 
the Comite Revolutionnaire d Unite et d Action (CRUA) (q.v.) and subsequently the 
Front de Liberation Nationale (FLN). The MTLD was itself outlawed in 1954, after 
the outbreak of revolution, at which time Messali Hadj organized the Mouvement 
Nationaliste Algerien (q.v.) as a competitor to the FLN. 

MUHI AL-DIN, BEN MUSTAFA (1757-1833). 

Father of Abd al-Qadir (q.v.); head of the Qadiriyya (q.v.) brotherhood in Algeria. 
Muhi al-Din assisted the Moroccan penetration of Oran province from 1830 to 1832 
and served as the Moroccan sultan's khalifa in Tlemcen (1831) and Oran province 
(1832). He also began resistance against the French. Because of his advanced age, he 
contended that his son should be elected as his successor as Commander of the 

Page 290 

Believers. This was done and Abd al-Qadir eventually became a great national hero. 
AL-MUTZZ (r. 1016-1062) 

Zirid amir. He loosened ties with Cairo, which was done in part because of his Sunni 
subjects. In a symbolic gesture to assert his independence from the Fatimids (q.v.), he 
proclaimed the suzerainty of the Abbasids of Baghdad. The Fatimids (q.v.) were 
particularly annoyed by this rebellious amir and forced the Banu Hilal (q.v.) and Banu 
Sulaym westward, which would have significant consequences in the history of 
Algeria (i.e., cultural Arabization). 

Principal leader of the (Great) Kabyle Revolt (q.v.) of 1870-1871. Al-Muqrani was a 
Bachaga who was a favorite among French officers. Nevertheless, he resented the 
reduction of his own administrative prerogatives. Al-Muqrani favored a traditional 
feudal, aristocratic political system in Algeria. The condescending attitude by the 
colonial authorities (along with France's military disasters against the Germans) 
convinced al-Muqrani to rebel. He hoped to rally other tribal chiefs and notables to his 
side (e.g., Ben Ali Cherif). He summoned a war council in March 1871. His initiative 
received the prestigious support of Shaykh Sidi Muhammad al-Haddad (q.v.), the 
muqaddam of the Rahmaniyya (q.v.), and his son Si Aziz. The revolt began in April, 
swept through eastern Algeria, and eventually reached Algiers and Cherchell. Al- 
Muqrani was killed in battle in May 1871. His brother Bu Masraq (q.v.) carried on the 
fight until his capture in June 1872. The consequences of this war included the 
disastrous colonial expropriation of Kabyle land, leaving the indigenous population 
severely distressed. 


Plateau area in the Sahara where the Ibadi (q.v. Ibadism) M'zabi (Mozabites) (q.v.) 
live. Despite the hot and dry 

Page 291 

climate, the M'zab is watered by an underground river. This has led to the building of 
Ghardaia and complementary oases towns (Melika, Beni Isguen, Bou Noura, and El 
Atteuf). The M'zab is renown for its groves of date palms. 


Ibadi (q.v. Ibadism) Berbers (q.v.) living in the Mzab (around Ghardaia) in the central 
Sahara. They are famous as shrewd businessmen and renowned cultivators of dates at 
their Saharan oases. The M'zab i settled in this area after the fall of the Rustamid 
dynasty (q.v.) at Tahert to the Fatimids (q.v.). The Ibadis were driven to Sedrata and 
finally into the Sahara. The M'zabis speak their own Berber dialect. On occasion there 
has still been sectarian strife (e.g., July 1990 between Malikis and Ibadis). 

Page 292 


NABI, BELKACEM (b. 1929). 

Engineer; minister. Nabi played a significant role in Algeria's hydrocarbons sector 
(q.v.). He was president of Algeria's holdings of SN REPAL (oil company) (1965- 
1967). (SN REPAL was a French company that was eventually incorporated into 
ERAP.) From 1970 to 1974 he was the governor (wali ) of the Tlemcen wilayat before 
becoming an adviser to the presidency (1974-1979). He was appointed minister of 
energy and petrochemical industries (1979) and was the principal spokesman of the 
new price parity policy (oil=gas). Nabi reportedly remarked at one point: "A therm is a 
therm." Nabi had to endure the loss of the El Paso contract but secured new contracts 
with European partners (Belgium, France, United Kingdom, Spain, Italy). The Trans- 
Mediterranean gas line was also put into operation. As long as oil prices remained 
high, Algeria enjoyed fabulous export receipts. The price precipitously fell during the 
mid-1980s. Nabi left the Ministry of Energy in 1988. 

NAPOLEON III (1808-1873). 

French president; emperor; Arabophile. During his regime, Napoleon III had a 
particular interest in Algeria. Sensitive to settler demands and protests against the 
military's "rule of the sabre," he inaugurated a Ministry of Algeria and Colonies (1858- 
1860) under Prince (Jerome) Napoleon. The goal was to assimilate the indigenous 
population by reorganizing (Jerome used the word "dislocation") social and economic 
structures and replacing Islamic law with French law. The military was particularly 
aware of the danger of implementing these measures and lobbied the emperor. 
Napoleon III visited in 1860 and ended the Ministry. The Imperial Government tried 
to impede rural colonization. In his famous February 6, 1863, letter, he considered 
Algeria an "Arab kingdom" rather than a colony. The Senatus-consulte of April 22, 
1863 (q.v.), aimed at protecting tribal lands, but it introduced European property 
standards. This initiative actually led to the eventual selling of tribal lands. The 
Emperor believed that Algerians should be able to achieve full citizenship without 
compromising their personal (Muslim) 

Page 293 

status (this also applied to Jews). This was underscored by the Senatus-consulte of 
July 14, 1865, which gave Muslims "subject" status. It also called for greater 
opportunities for Muslims in the French administration and military. Nevertheless, full 
naturalization could still not occur unless an individual repudiated Muslim status. Very 
few Muslims opted for full French citizenship. 

Napoleon's concern for the colonized was also disclosed in education. He permitted 
the reopening of higher Muslim educational centers ( madrasas ; medersas),t\\Q 
inauguration of "Arabic-French" primary and secondary schools, and a technical 
school in Kabylia. His perspective toward Algeria may have been romantic, but if his 
good intentions were conscientiously applied, Algeria would not have endured such a 
severe colonialism. 

NASR-EDDINE (q.v. Etienne Dinet). 


This was produced by the FLN (q.v.) as a means to define the Algerian state. It was 
highly theoretical and was an excellent expression of how the Houari Boumedienne 
(q.v.) government envisioned the Algeria of the future as socialist, centralist, and 
Muslim. It underscored that "socialism, in Algeria, is an irreversible movement." It 
confidently asserted that Algeria was a Muslim state and linked socialist state-building 
to the "Islamic values which are a fundamental constitutive element of the personality 
of the Algerian people" rather than to a "materialist metaphysic" or a "dogmatic 
foreign conception." The Charter reiterated the aim "to consolidate national 
independence" by liquidating all forms of imperialist or neocolonialist influence. The 
Charter (composed of seven chapters) was in the rhetorical tradition of the Tripoli 
Program (q.v.) and the Charter of Algiers (q.v.). What distinguished this document 
was the Boumedienne government's decision to allow public discussion. The Charter 
was complemented by a Constitution of 1976 (q.v.). 

Page 294 


President Chadli Benjedid (q.v.) authorized a revision or "enrichment" of the National 
Charter. The changes were more stylistic than substantive. It was also written in a 
simpler language. What was particularly significant was a survey of Algerian history 
that included the contributions of the previously taboo names of Messali Hadj (q.v.) 
and Ferhat Abbas (q.v.). It placed greater emphasis on complementing socialism with 
the private sector and emphasized the guiding role of Islam. In a referendum on 
January 16, it received 98.37 percent approval with a turnout of 95.9 percent (both 
figures were controversial). 

NATIONAL REVOLUTIONARY COUNCIL (q.v. Council of the Revolution). 


Following the French defeat in June 1940, a portion of the French fleet took refuge at 
the Algerian port of Mers el-Kebir, near Oran. The British feared that this formidable 
force (two battle cruisers; two battleships; eight cruisers, destroyers, and submarines) 
would fall into the hands of the Nazis. After a muddled negotiation, the British gave 
the French admiral an ultimatum to sail for Britain or scuttle his ships. It was rejected. 
The British fired on the French, inflicting some 1,400 casualties, contending that this 
controversial action was done to prevent the French from joining the Germans 
(though Vichy had already taken adequate measures to keep it out of the Axis's 
hands). This tragic incident particularly aggravated relations between the British 
government and Charles de Gaulle's (q.v.) Free French movement. 

NAVARRO, PEDRO (14607-1528). 

Spanish soldier. Navarro commanded the expedition, including Cardinal Ximenes de 
Cisneros (q .v.), that captured Oran in 1509. In 1510, Navarro also captured Bejai'a. 
Navarro built the Pennon fort which 

Page 295 

dominated the harbor at Algiers in order to enforce provisions of a 1510 treaty which 
contained the Algerian recognition of Ferdinand of Spain as sovereign over areas of 
Maghrib. Navarro symbolized the crusading spirit of the Spanish reconquista , which 
carried a Spanish presence to the Maghribi littoral. 


Nationalist; revolutionary; minister. Nekkache was an Algerian surgeon who was 
active in the MTLD (q.v.) before the revolution. He served as medical officer attached 
to the General Staff of the ALN (q.v.) during the War of Independence. He held 
portfolios in several of Ahmed Ben Bella's (q.v.) cabinets: minister of health (1962), 
minister of social affairs (1963), and minister of health, veterans, and social affairs 
(1964). He was also a member of the FLN's (q.v.) Central Committee and Political 
Bureau. Nekkache opposed Colonel Houari Boumedienne's (q.v.) coup and was 
arrested in 1965. He was held in house arrest at Touggourt from 1969 to 1971. 
Nekkache was amnestied in 1983. 


Opposition manifesto. This document appeared in 1976 and called for democratic 
institutions in Algeria, reconciliation with Morocco over the decolonization of the 
Spanish Sahara (q.v. Western Sahara), and Maghrib unity (q.v.). It was signed by 
Ferhat Abbas (q.v.), Hocine Lahouel (q.v.), Ben Youssef Ben Khedda (q.v.), and 
Mohamed Kheiredine (q.v.). 

NEZZAR (Nazzar), KHALED (b. 1937?). 

Major general. Nezzar served with the French Army before joining the ALN (q.v.). He 
was stationed along the contentious Moroccan border in 1963 (q.v. Border War). In 
1967 he commanded the Algerian battalion sent to Egypt as a result of the June Arab- 
Israeli War. He studied at the Ecole superieure de Guerre in France in 1975. He was 
appointed to the Central Committee of the FLN (q.v.) in 1979. In 1984 Nezzar was 
promoted to general 

Page 296 

and became the assistant chief of staff; he commanded the Army itself in 1986. Nezzar 
was responsible for the suppression of the October 1988 riots (q.v.). Nezzar gained 
particular attention in July 1990 when he was appointed minister of defense. This 
portfolio had been held by the president. With the prospect of the Front Islamique du 
Salut (FIS) (q.v.) taking over the government as a consequence of national elections 
(q.v. December 1991 elections), Nezzar played a most prominent role in the deposal of 
President Chadli Benjedid (q.v.) in January 1992. He subsequently became recognized 
as the most powerful figure within the High Council of State (HCS) (q.v.). He 
survived an assassination attempt (car bomb) in February, 1993. 


The ancient kingdom of eastern Algeria. Numidia and its capital, Cirta (q.v. 
Constantine), gained particular prominence during the reign of Masinissa (q.v.) and 
Jugurtha (q.v.). After Jugurtha's defeat by Rome in 106 B.C., Mauretania (q.v.) 
annexed western Numidia. Numidian kings became involved in the late Republic's 
power struggles, weakening Numidia further. Juba II (q.v.) was a pure client who 
eventually left Numidia to "rule" Mauretania. Numidia and Mauretania were soon 
integrated into the Empire. 


Arab governor and conqueror. He became governor of Ifriqiya (c. 705) and finally 
integrated the North African coast to the Umayyad Caliphate. His Berber ally, Tariq ibn 
Ziyad, crossed the straits of Gibraltar ( Jabal al-Tariq [mountain of Tariq]). After Tariq 
took over the Visigothic capital of Toledo, Nusayr joined him. By the time that both 
men were called back to Syria in 714, Spain (al-Andalus) was also under the control 
of the Umayyads. 

Page 297 



Official French policy in Algeria until 1840, whereby the French could occupy only 
the major towns of the Algerian hinterland, and exercise control over the remainder 
through native or Turkish rulers. The policy was formulated in 1834. 

OCHIALY (q.v. Eulj Ali). 

There are multiple reasons for the riots, which resulted tragically in heavy casualties. 
(Official statistics claim that 161 people were killed [other accounts claim between 200 
and 500 dead], 154 wounded, and 3,743 detained. These numbers have been 
challenged. There was an estimated $250 million of property damage.) The precipitous 
drop of oil prices, which are linked to Algeria's LNG's contracts, had a severe 
manifold effect upon the economy, affecting, for example, food subsidies and the 
prices of basic commodities. This economic disaster exacerbated chronic 
unemployment (20 to 30 percent). The growing austerity contrasted with the privileges 
held by FLN (q.v.) bureaucrats. These frustrations drew many youths, who could not 
relate to the revolutionary platitudes of the older generation, toward Islamist leaders. 
Algerians also resented their government's support of the USSR's invasion of 
Afghanistan, a Muslim country. 

A series of industrial strikes in late September and early October created tensions. 

Then on October 4, in the Bab al-Oued district of Algiers (q.v.), youths set fire to 
police cars and government buildings. On October 5, more assaults continued to 
destroy vehicles and properties. Algerians began calling these violent demonstrations 
an intifada (referring to the continuing Palestinian uprising [since December 1987]) 
against the government, a bitter irony given the government's longtime support of the 
PLO. Rioting spread to Constantine (q.v.) and Setif (q.v.). 

Page 298 

On October 6, with the police unable to handle the situation, the government declared 
a state of siege and troops were called out, receiving sporadic armed attacks. Schools 
were closed down and foreign television crews were not allowed to report. On 
October 7 (Friday, the Muslim Sabbath), Islamists in Algiers, such as Ali Benhadj 
(q.v.) in Belcourt and Imam Abdelmalkek in Hydra discouraged the violence while 
attempting to coordinate demonstrations. Other Islamists throughout the country 
seemed to be encouraging demonstrations in other parts of the country. 

On October 8, violence spread to Oran (q.v.), Annaba (q.v.), Mostaganem, and Blida 
targeting the FLN ruling establishment. Chronically restive Kabylia (q.v.) began 
rumbling. On October 9, a communique from a "Movement for Algerian Renewal" 
called for the disbanding of the FLN. Concurrently, fighting continued in Algiers 
where soldiers opened fire on crowds. President Chadli Benjedid (q.v.) appeared on 
television on October 10 promising reform. On October 11, violence ended, and the 
government lifted the state of siege on October 12. 

The results of the October Riots were democratic reforms culminating in a new 
Constitution in February 1989 (q.v.) and the end of the FLN's monopoly of power 
(July 1989 legislation) as opposition parties were allowed to organize. The riots 
indicated that the FLN had lost touch with political and social realities; in particular, 
the FLN's revolutionary socialist discourse meant little to the rising expectations of an 
increasingly exasperated youth. The "Events of October" represent a seminal period in 
Algeria's postcolonial history. 

EL-OKBI, TAYEB (q.v. Tayyib al-Uqbi). 


This is an important source of Algerian heritage. Poets would recite specific histories 
and cultural traditions. Among the most famous of these poets were Ibn Triki and Ibn 
Amsaib (d. 1768) of Tlemcen (q.v.); Sidi Ben Ali of Algiers (q.v.) in the seventeenth 
century; Sidi Lakhdar 

Page 299 

Ben Khlouf of the Mostaganem region in the sixteenth century; Si Abd al-Qadir 
(concerning the conquest of Algiers); Abdallah Ben Keriou (d. 1921) of Laghouat; 
Mohammed Ben Sahla (end of the nineteenth century) of Tlemcen; and Mohammed 
Ben Kheir (d. 1889), a celebrant of the resistance of the Awlad (Ouled) Sidi Shaykh 
(Cheikh) (q.v.) tribal confederation of western Algeria. The great Kabyle (q.v.) poet Si 
Mohand ou-Mhand (q.v.) is another important example of this tradition. Mouloud 
Feraoun (q.v.), Mouloud Mammeri (q.v.), Jean Amrouche (q. v.), Marguerite Taos- 
Amrouche (q.v.), and Malek Ouary (q.v.) presented collections of Berber oral 

The contemporary popularity of rai (q.v.) singing, a type of social and political protest 
fusing traditional music and modern pop/rock, has added a new dimension to the oral 

ORAN (Wahran). 

Oran was founded in the tenth century by Andalusians and became a base for the 
Umayyads (q.v.) before its takeover by the Fatimids (q.v.). It prospered under the 
Almohads (q.v.) and the Abd al-Wadids (q.v.). Pedro Navarro (q.v.) seized the city in 
1509. Over the centuries it was fought over by the Spanish and the Turks. The Turks 
seized it in 1708 but lost the city to the Spanish in 1732. Finally the Turks took it in 
1791 when the Spanish left after the devastating earthquake of 1790. During the 
colonial period, the port was particularly developed and a Ville Nouvelle ("New City") 
built. Unlike other colonial cities, most of the city's population was European. As a 
result of decolonization, 300,000 Europeans left the city. 

Oran has its own university (established in 1965), and it remains an important port. 
The region around Oran (Oranais) is renown for its agricultural production. Its 
population was recorded as 663,504 in 1983. 


A reform initiative by General Charles de Gaulle (q.v.). This reform by de Gaulle, 

Page 300 

who headed the Comite Frangaise de Liberation Nationale (CFLN), increased native 
representation in local assemblies and permitted full citizenship for 50,000 to 60,000 
Muslims without loss of their Muslim status (approximately 65,000 Algerians took 
advantage of this naturalization). Historians wonder if the terrible War of 
Independence could have been averted if this reform could have been initiated 10 
years earlier (as in the Blum-Viollette Bill [q.v.]). The Code de VIndigenat (q.v.) was 
also abolished. While enhancing de Gaulle's prestige, the reform was viewed by 
Algerian nationalists as too little too late. 

O'REILLY, ALEXANDER (17227-1794). 

Spanish general. Born in Ireland, O'Reilly began a career as a soldier of fortune. He 
entered Spanish service at first, and then in 1757 he joined the Austrian army. In 1759 
he served with the French before returning to the Spanish military. As a colonel, he 
campaigned against Portugal in 1762 and instructed Prussian methods to the Spanish 
army. In 1763 he was promoted to general. 

O'Reilly was selected to command a Spanish expedition against Algiers in 1775, which 
provoked much jealousy among Spanish officer corps. With 40 ships of the line and 
350 other vessels, and with 30,000 troops, he carried out a combined land and sea 
assault on Algiers, which failed (at the cost of 4,000 casualties). He returned to Spain, 
still in favor with Charles III, and remained so until Charles's death in 1788. O'Reilly's 
expedition was the last combined land-sea assault on Algiers during the Regency 


Paramilitary settler force. The OAS developed from earlier settler organizations (i.e., 
Front National Frangais ; Front de V Alger ie Frangaise [FAF]). The OAS was 
established to prevent the decolonization of Algeria. Led by Generals Raoul Salan and 
Edmond Jouhaud, though they often could not control all of its actions, the OAS 
terrorized France 

Page 301 

besides Algeria. Significant other members included Roger Degueldre and Pierre 
Sergent. Its operations severely impeded Paris's control of events. 

As the Evian Accords (q.v.) were being concluded, OAS units created havoc. It 
threatened the political positions of both the Gaullist government and the FLN (q.v.) 
and ironically contributed to greater cooperation between both sides. It was blamed 
for creating the conditions that forced the panicked "exodus" of pieds-noirs (q.v.) 
from Algeria, though the fear of nationalist retribution from the consequences of 
colonialism was also a powerful motivation. Before signing its own accord with the 
FLN in June, the OAS's operations became more nihilistic. Its most destructive 
"scorched earth" tactic was the burning of the University of Algiers's library. The OAS 
was also involved in the unsuccessful attempt to assassinate President de Gaulle in 
August 1962. 


Paramilitary organization affiliated with the MTLD (q.v.) formed shortly after the 
passage of the Algerian Statute of 1947. From 1947 until 1950, it accumulated military 
stores, provided military training, and prepared plans for violent insurrection. To 
finance these activities, one group robbed the Oran Post Office in 1948. In 1950, 
however, the French police successfully began suppressing its activities and arrested 
prominent members. The Central Committee on the OS met and agreed to dissolve. 
Nevertheless, the OS experience proved very valuable to the young nationalists. Many 
of its members (e.g., Ahmed Ben Bella [q.v.], Hocine Aft Ahmed [q.v.], and so on) 
became leaders of the revolution. In addition, the emergence of the OS was 
symptomatic of a growing generational disillusionment with the older nationalist elite 
symbolized by the venerable Messali Hadj (q.v.). 

OUAMRANE, AMAR (1919-1981). 

Nationalist; revolutionary. Ouamrane, a Kabyle (q.v.), served in the French military 

Page 302 

with distinction in World War II and was decorated. He also became a committed 
member of the PPA (q.v.) and attempted to politicize his fellow soldiers. He tried to 
muster an insurrection among a group of Algerian sharpshooters ( Tirailleurs 
algeriens)in order to support the PPA protests at Cherchell in May 1945. He was 
condemned to death but amnestied in 1946. Ouamrane went underground in 1947. 
When the MTLD (q.v.) splintered, he at first sided with Messali Hadj (q.v.). After the 
outbreak of the revolution in November 1954, he was Belkacem Krim's (q.v.) 
assistant, then commanding colonel of Wilaya IV. He is credited with enlisting 
Ramdane Abane (q.v.). Ouamrane was a member of the CNRA (q.v.) from October 
1956. He eventually broke with Krim and supported Ahmed Ben Bella (q.v.). 
Ouamrane was a deputy in the Constituent Assembly (1962) and then retired from 
public office. 

OUARY, MALEK (b. 1916). 

Writer; poet. As a Kabyle (q.v.) (and like Jean Amrouche [q.v.], a Christian), Ouary 
had always been interested in his ancestors' oral traditions (q.v.). He published 
translations entitled Collier d'epreuves (1955) and Poemes et chants de Kabylie 
(1972). He also wrote the novels Le Grain dans la meule (1956) and La Montagne 
aux chacals (1981). 

OUATTAR (OUETTAR, WATTAR), TAHAR (q.v. Wattar, Tahar). 

OU EL-HADJ, MOHAND (Mokrane Belhadj/Benhadj [?]) (b. 1912). ALN (q.v.) 
colonel; Kabyle (q.v.) resistant. Before the revolution, Ou el-Hadj had been a 
landowner and merchant. He joined the ALN in late 1955. By 1958, he had became 
military assistant to the commander of Wilaya III. The following year he commanded 
the Wilaya.HQ was promoted to colonel in 1960 and remained in command of the 
Wilaya until after independence was attained. During the 

Page 303 

summer of 1962, he sided with the GPRA (q.v.) and fought against the troops of the 
Tlemcen (q.v.) (Ahmed Ben Bella [q.v.]-Houari Boumedienne [q.v.]) group. After Ben 
Bella came to power, Ou el-Hadj remained in command of the Kabylia (q.v.) region. 
He was elected a deputy to the National Assembly. In 1963, he joined Hocine Ait 
Ahmed's (q.v.) FFS (q.v.) opposition party in revolt against the central government, 
but he rallied to the government when the Border War (q.v.) with Morocco broke out. 
In April 1964, he was named to the Political Bureau. He joined the Boumedienne coup 
against Ben Bella and became a member of the FLN (q.v.) secretariat during the 
summer of 1965. In 1967, he joined, however, the anti-Boumedienne coup attempt 
engineered by Tahar Zbiri (q.v.). Its failure effectively ended Ou el-Hadj's political 
influence and career. 


The Oujda group represented Houari Boumedienne's (q.v.) closest colleagues in the 
Political Bureau (q.v.). The name comes from a Moroccan city that headquartered 
external ALN forces. The group included Cherif Belkacem, Abdelaziz Bouteflika 
(q.v.), Ahmed Kaid (q.v.), Ahmed Medeghri (q.v.), and Mohamed Tayebi (q.v.). 

OU-MHAND, SI MOHAND (q.v. Si Mohand). 

OUSSEDIK, AMAR (OMAR) (Si Tayeb) (b. 1920). 

Messalist; Marxist; revolutionary; ambassador. A member of the (PPA-) MTLD, then 
the PCA (q.v. Algerian Communist Party), after it encouraged native Algerians to join, 
Oussedik eventually joined the FLN (q.v.). He was political chief of Wilaya IV He 
served in the CNRA (q.v.) (1957-1962) and was a secretary of state of the GPRA 
(q.v.). Oussedik was a friend of Frantz Fanon (q.v.) and an advocate of his ideas. He 
distinguished himself as an ambassador. During the War of Independence, he led an 
important FLN mission to Conakry (1960) and accompanied Ben Youssef Ben Khedda 
(q.v.) to 

Page 304 

the People's Republic of China. After the war, he continued his diplomatic career in 
the foreign service, holding ambassador posts in Belgium, the Soviet Union, India, 
and Italy. 

OUZEGANE, AMAR (OMAR) (1910-1981). PCA(q.v. Algerian Communist Party) 
leader; journalist; minister. As a member of the Young Communists, Ouzegane 
founded L'Oeil des PTTA,a clandestine journal (he was a postal telegraph clerk). In 
1934 he was the editor of the Algiers Communist Party's publication, La Lutte 
sociale.HQ also promoted communication between European and Muslim intellectuals 
(including Albert Camus's [q.v.] participation). In 1945 he was the first secretary of 
the PCA and also became the first Muslim deputy. His growing nationalist interests led 
to his expulsion from the PCA in 1948. Ouzegane also asserted that Islam 
complemented progressive political and social policies. 

During the War of Independence, Ouzegane was both a militant and a theoretician for 
the FLN. He helped edit the Soummam Platform (q.v.). He was arrested in 1957. 

After independence, he served as minister of agriculture and agrarian reform (1962- 
1963), as a minister of state (1963-1964), and also minister of tourism. He helped in 
the preparation of the Tripoli Program (q.v.) and began his position as editor of La 
Revolution africaine in 1968. Ouzegane emphasized the compatibility of Islam with 
socialism. He is the author of a book, Le Meilleur combat (1962). 

Page 305 


NOTE: Consult the Glossary for other political parties. Since the official end of 
Algeria as a one-party state (Constitution of February 1989), approximately 60 
political parties were organized (not all certified by the government.) 


This is the successor to the Algerian Communist Party (PCA) organized in 1966, 
which had been tolerated by the ruling FLN government. After the October Riots 
(q.v.) the PAGS became a legalized opposition party with Sadek Hadjeres (q.v.) as its 


An opposition movement founded by Mohamed Boudiaf (q.v.). During the summer of 
1964, the PRS joined with the remnants of Hocine Ait Ahmed's (q.v.) FFS (q.v.) to 
form the Comite National pour la Defense de la Revolution (CNDR) (q.v.). Among 
the members of the CNDR, besides Boudiaf and Ait Ahmed, were Mohammed Ben 
Ahmed (Si Moussa) Moussa Hassani, and Mohammed Chaabani (q.v.)all leaders who 
disagreed with Ahmed Ben Bella (q.v.). The members of the CNDR were expelled 
from the FLN (q.v.) on July 4, 1964. 


A Messalist (q.v. Messali Hadj) party. The PPA succeeded the Etoile Nord-Africaine 
(ENA) (q.v.). Though it shared the ENA's objectives of an independent Algeria, it was 
a purely nationalist movement rather than internationalist (i.e., like the initially 
Maghrib i- oriented ENA). The PPA was replaced ostensibly in 1946 by the Mouvement 
pour le Triomphe des Libertes Democratiques (MTLD) (q.v.), though it continued to 
operate secretly within the new post-Setif (q.v.) Messalist framework (thus the 
occasional PPA-MTLD designation). Efforts to revive the party at independence were 
not permitted by the FLN. Mohammed Mechaoui, a nephew of Messali Hadj, 
attempted to have the PPA certified as an 

Page 306 

opposition party as a consequence of the 1989 political reforms, but the application 
was denied. 


A legalized opposition party (August 16, 1989) as result of the Constitution of 1989 
(q.v.) and the July 1989 legislation. Led by Ajrit Abderrahmane, this organization 
supports "economic centrism." 

"PEACE OF THE BRAVE" (q.v. Introduction). 

A call for a cease-fire by Charles de Gaulle (q.v.) on October 23, 1958. The GPRA 
(q.v.) rejected this initiative, thereby signaling to de Gaulle its intent to pursue its 
objective of complete independence from France. 


Formerly a rocky projection in the harbor of Algiers. The Spanish built a fortress 
there (q.v. Algiers; Pedro Navarro), which was reduced and demolished by Khayr al- 
Din (q.v.), who used the wreckage to improve and fortify Algiers's harbor. 


Apian prepared by the Fourth Republic for the development of Algeria. The 
Perspectives decennales was disclosed in February 1958. This plan concluded that 
drastic measures were necessary to ensure Algeria's social and economic development. 
The agricultural sector, traditionally guarded by the colonial colonat , was relatively 
ignored. Instead "nonagricultural activities" would receive more attention. The 
objectives of the Perspectives were to provide jobs, to raise the standard of living, and 
to exploit natural resources (especially the recent natural gas and oil discoveries [q.v. 

According to French planners, these goals could be attained through the rapid 
industrialization of Algeria and by continued extraction of its hydrocarbon wealth in 
the Sahara. The expected need of 50,000 technicians also ensured a French presence. 
The Perspectives projected 875,000 new jobs (552,000 in the industrial sector alone). 
According to 

Page 307 

Rene Gendarme (q.v. Bibliography), one fault of this plan was that it neglected 
training {formation) of the work force. The Perspectives influenced the development 
and elaboration of the Constantine Plan (q.v.) of October 1958. 

The Perspectives's reliance upon the development of the hydrocarbon sector 
providing a multiplier effect throughout the economy would be adopted by Algerian 
planners after independence. 

PIED-NOIR {Colon). 

Term for the European settlers of Algeria. The name, meaning "black foot," may have 
been coined by the native Muslims' description of the settlers' shoes. At first, the term 
pied-noir related an urban settler while colon referred to a rural settler. Today, pied- 
noir implies all European settlers of French Algeria (extended to include former 
French North Africa). 

The decision to permit the colonization to Algeria introduced European settlers. 
Though France occasionally dispatched social and political misfits to Algeria, pieds- 
noirs were also victims of European economic distress (e.g., phylloxera blight of 
1880) and political upheaval. Algeria became a "melting pot" of European 
nationalities, and the settlers often related their experience to the much admired 
American model. By 1954, approximately half of the pieds-noirs (total population 
1,029,000) were not of French origin. 

The pieds-noirs received their French identity from colonialism and many idealized 
their "Frenchness." They knew, however, that their own very existence as a minority 
was threatened by the Muslims. This resulted in a garris)n mentality and opposition to 
change and reform, which weakened their dominant position. 

Three powerful pied-noir families {grands colons)wQrQ : the Borgeauds, the 
Schiaffinos, and the Blachettes. The Borgeaud family possessed the mansion of La 
Trappe, with its very productive land used for viticulture. This family owned the 
popular Bastos brand of cigarettes and had interests in practically all of Algeria's 
economy. Henri 

Page 308 

Borgeaud was a conservative senator during the time of the War of Independence. The 
Schiaffino family controlled shipping and amassed a huge fortune. Like Henri 
Borgeaud, Laurent Schiaffino was a senator and very conservative. The Blachette 
family owned huge fields of alfalfa in the Oranais (region of Oran [q.v.]). Georges 
Blachette was a deputy and, unlike his fellow grands colons, he was a liberal. 

During the tumultuous period culminating in the end of French Algeria, hundreds of 
thousands of fearful pieds-noirs fled Algeria leaving land and property vacant, which 
was expropriated by the Algerian government (q.v. autogestion). (About 90 percent 
had left by the end of 1962.) French authorities were unprepared for the massive pied- 
noir "exodus" (exode). Repatriated pieds-noirs have organized associations that have 
lobbied the French government for indemnities to compensate their losses as a 
consequence of decolonization. 

The pieds-noirs have enriched France economically (e.g., viticulture on Corsica) and 
culturally. They have been often unfairly stereotyped (as racist) by the metropolitan 
French. Many pieds-noirs return to visit Algeria. During his state visit to France, 
President Chadli Benjedid (q.v.) offered them a warm invitation; hostile acts visiting 
pieds-noirs occurred, however, in 1990. These were extraordinary given the usual 
cordiality and hospitality accorded to the former colonials. 

Pieds-noirs have distinguished themselves in a variety of professions. Among 
Europeans born in Algeria are Albert Camus (q.v.), Yves Saint-Laurent, and members 
of the Marciano family ("Guess" fashions). 

POLISARIO ( Fronte Popular para Liberacion de Saguia el Hamra y Rio de Oro); 
Popular Front for the Liberation of Saguia el Hamra and Rio de Oro (q.v. Western 
Sahara; Introduction; Morocco). The Sahrawi (q.v.) organization dedicated toward the 
legitimate, internationally recognized self-determination of the ex-Spanish Sahara. The 
POLISARIO was formed on May 10, 1973. It has been supported by Algiers since 
1975, especially since the Madrid Accords 

Page 309 

of November 14, 1975, which partitioned the ex-Spanish Sahara between Morocco 
and Mauritania. On February 27, 1976, the POLISARIO announced the creation of the 
Arab Sahrawi Democratic Republic (SADR), which through the years received 
considerable international recognition, especially through the diplomatic efforts of 
Algeria. Algeria's logistical support of the POLISARIO's military operations 
particularly alienated Morocco (q.v.) and relations were broken. The Algiers 
Agreement of 1979 (q.v.) resulted in Mauritania's recognition of the SADR. 

The impetus toward Maghrib unity (q.v.) improved regional relations, and both 
Morocco and the POLISARIO agreed to a U.N.-sponsored framework in 1991 to 
resolve the conflict through a self-determination process. Progress continued in 1991, 
including a cease-fire negotiation. A self-determination vote was projected for late 
1991 or early 1992. Nevertheless, problems over who could vote remained 
unresolved. In February-March 1993 (as of this writing) the Security Council again 
has attempted to negotiate a self-determination referendum framework amenable to all 

Algeria's contemporary instability has weakened the POLISARIO's position. Indeed, 
during the October 1988 riots (q.v.), the POLISARIO's offices were reportedly 
targeted by rioters signaling that monies allocated to the Sahrawis would be better 
served at home. 

POLITICAL BUREAU (Tlemcen Group). 

Established by Ahmed Ben Bella (q.v.), Mohammed Khider (q.v.), and Rabah Bitat 
(q.v.) with the powerful support of Houari Boumedienne (q.v.) in opposition to the 
GPRA (q.v.). The Political Bureau and its supporters took over power from the GPRA 
after the brief intraelite civil war during the summer of 1962. Ben Bella tried to rule 
through this body rather than through the regular FLN (q.v.) organization, a practice 
that quickly led to disagreement with Khider, who eventually resigned from the 
government and went into exile with the FLN funds. The Political Bureau remained an 
institution within the FLN. 

Page 310 

Under President Chadli Benjedid, (q.v.) it became more of an advisory group to the 

POMIER, JEAN (1886-1977). 

Writer. Born in Toulouse, Pomier arrived in Algiers in 1910. Included by Jean Dejeux 
(q.v. Bibliography) among the Algerianistes (e.g., Robert Randau [1873-1950], Louis 
Lecoq [1885-1932], and Charles Hagel [1882-1938]), Pomier encouraged the 
publication of assimilated Algerians. He is most renowned as the editor of Afrique, the 
bulletin of the Association des Ecrivains algeriens, which began publication in 1924. 
Pomier resigned as editor in 1955 and then left Algeria for France in 1957. Pomier's 
writings in Afrique influenced a generation of Algerian writers. A collection of his 
poems, A cause d Alger, was published in 1966. 


This document proclaimed the beginning of Colonel Houari Boumedienne's (q.v.) 
regime after the coup that deposed President Ahmed Ben Bella (q.v.). The 
proclamation declared that there was a need for a "revolutionary readjustment" (i.e., 
an end to Ben Bella's government). It called for "a socialism which conforms to the 
specific realities of the country" rather than a "circumstantial, publicity-seeking 


The document heralding the War of Independence. The FLN (q.v.), proclaiming, too, 
its own existence, projected its goal as the "restoration of the Algerian state" and the 
"preservation of all fundamental freedoms." It claimed that it would use "every means 
until the realization of our goal." This included the "internationalization" of the 
revolution. Though the goal was independence from France, "French cultural and 
economic interests will be respected." It aimed for relations based on "equality and 
mutual respect." 

Though the FLN suffered from intraelite struggles, it remained united concerning 
these objectives. 

Page 3 1 1 


QADIRIYYA (Qadiriyah). 

Prominent religious order, or brotherhood, of which Abd al-Qadir (q.v.) was a leader. 
The Qadiriyya gained a foothold in the Maghrib (especially in western Algeria) in the 
fifteenth century, particularly as a consequence of the arrival of refugees from 
Andalusia. It was founded by Abd al-Qadir al-Jilani (q.v.) in the twelfth century. 
Qadiriyya affiliates demanded strict adherence to Islam. It has been regarded as an 
aristocratic brotherhood compared with its chief rival, the Tijaniyya (q.v.). 

Page 312 


RAD JEFF, BEFKACEM (b. 1909). 

Nationalist. A native of Kabylia (q.v.), Radjeff emigrated to France in search of work. 
In May 1933 he became a treasurer of Messali Hadj's (q.v.) ENA (q.v.) and was 
arrested in 1934 and sent to prison (released in 1936). He was on the Central 
Committee of the MTLD (q.v.), but refused to side with either the Messalists or 
Centralists. After independence he worked on behalf of war orphans. 

RAHAL, MOHAMMED BEN (1856-1928). 

Young Algerian (q.v.). Born in Nedroma of a family noted for its marabouts, he 
received his father's permission to attend the College Imperial at Algiers. He replaced 
his father as Agha of Trara in 1878 and served that year as a member of the Algerian 
delegation at the International Exposition at Paris. He resigned as caid in 1884 to 
expand his scientific studies. He was one of two Muslims consulted by the French 
senatorial investigative committee in 1891. In 1912 he was a member of the Young 
Algerian delegation to Paris. He served as a conseiller-general in 1903 and as a 
delegue financier (q.v. Delegations flnancieres)m 1920. In later years he discarded 
much of his earlier French orientation. 


A religious order founded in the eighteenth century and named for Muhammad bn 
Abd al-Rahman al-Gushtuli al-Djurdjuri al-Azhari Abu Kabrain (al-Qubrayn), a 
Kabyle (q.v.) from the Djurdjura region, who studied at al-Azhar in Cairo. The 
brotherhood became particularly influential in eastern and southeastern Algeria. A 
branch of the order called the Khalwatiya promised special privileges in the afterlife to 
its members. The two founding zawaya are located in the Djurdjura and near Algiers. 
Though the order was initially nonpolitical, members became anti-French during the 
period of French incursions in Kabylia (q.v.). The Muqaddam Sidi Muhammad al- 
Haddad (q.v.) joined al-Muqrani (q.v.) and proclaimed a jihad against the French on 
April 8, 1871 (q.v. 

Page 3 1 3 

Kabyle Revolt 1871-1872). That effort failed; al-Haddad surrendered to the French in 
July and his zawiya was closed. By 1900, the order included about 150,000 members 
and 170 z away a. 


A popular style of Maghribi music reminiscent of American folk and rap. The name 
comes from the Arabic words for "opinion" and "vision." Rai has been used as a 
protest vehicle. Chab Khaled, an Algerian, is regarded as the "King of Rai." 

RAMDANE, ABANE (q.v. Ramdane Abane). 


A commission established by decree of May 5, 1869, to study the political organization 
of Algeria. The commission's report, issued in 1870, proposed neither the end of 
military institutions nor a federative form of autonomy. These proposals reaffirmed 
the Second Empire's reservations concerning settler control of Algeria. The 
commission was presided over by Marshal Jacques-Louis Randon, a former governor- 
general of Algeria. 


Name for the Turkish state in North Africa (sixteenth to nineteenth centuries). This 
was established by the Barbarossa brothers (Aruj [q.v.] and Khayr al-Din [q.v. ]). n 
was ruled by Beylerbeys, Pashas , Aghas, and Deys.T\\Q institution that often 
determined who would lead the state was the Ojaq, a council of Janissaries. Besides 
the Janissaries, the ra'is (rais), or captains of the corsairs, also had an influential role. 
Both groups competed politically, with the ojaq usually dominating the ta'ifa ( taifa ) 
(the organization of corsair captains) until 1671. Piracy against the infidel was pursued 
for religious, political, and economic reasons. It should be noted that these rationales 
were similar to those of European and later American privateers. The Regency 
especially attracted Christian converts from the eastern Mediterranean and the 

Page 314 

Though the Regency technically was under the suzerainty of the Ottoman Sultan, it 
eventually acted as an autonomous state. It was especially powerful in the sixteenth 
and seventeenth centuries. The Regency was ruled by Beylerbeys (to 1587), Pashas 
(to 1659), Aghas (to 1671), then Deys (to 1830). Of the 30 deys who succeeded one 
another between 1671 and 1818, 14 were assassinated. The Dey's power was limited 
by his council {Divan), usually dominated by the military. 

The Algiers province belonged to the Dey ( dar al-sultan). The remaining three 
provinces (beyliks)wQYQ ruled by Beys (western beylik at Mazouna, Mascara [from 
1710] and Oran [from 1792]; the central, or Titteri, beylik, with Medea as its seat of 
government; and the eastern or Constantine beylik). Beys were practically 
independent, though they had to deliver customs dues to the Dey every three years. 
The Beys used collaborating makhzan tribes to collect taxes from subject tribes 
(rayah). Turkish troops were also stationed in the provinces. The Kabyles (q.v.) and 
nomadic tribes generally maintained their independence and posed constant military 

Though the Regency's wealth was determined significantly by its institutionalized 
piracy, it had other economic resources. The Algerian littoral and the plains of the 
hinterland remained very productive. Indeed, debts over grain shipments to France 
during the French Revolution contributed to the fall of the Regency in 1830. The 
production of the artisans of Algiers was also admired. The wealth of the rulers 
resulted, too, in impressive mosques and public works. 

The Regency's piracy provoked numerous attacks (q.v. Algiers). Among the most 
famous were those conducted by England, France, and Spain. England and France 
used bombardments to intimidate the Turks (who called themselves "Algerians"). 
Spain and the Regency waged war for approximately 250 years. Charles V (q.v.) 
mounted an invasion, which was a spectacular failure in 1541. Another 

Page 3 1 5 

assault was attempted in 1775 (q.v. Alexander O'Reilly). Oran was also fought over. In 
1708 the Turks displaced the Spanish, who recovered the enclave in 1732. After the 
disastrous earthquake of 1790, Oran was finally ceded in 1791 to the Turks. The 
Regency received annual tribute from many nations. Among them were the United 
States, Holland, Portugal, the Kingdom of Naples, Sweden, Norway, and Denmark, as 
well as England, France, and Spain. 

The Regency's weakness was exploited during the early nineteenth century. Restive 
sufi orders (e.g., Tijaniyya [q.v.]; Qadiriyya [q.v.]) commenced active opposition 
against the Turks (especially in the West). The Americans succeeded in imposing 
conditions on Algiers in 1815 (q.v. Decatur; Barbary Wars). Lord Exmouth's 
expedition (1816) (q.v.) reinforced the will of the Congress (or Concert) of European 
countries. Finally, the deterioration of French-Regency relations (q.v. Charles X; 
Introduction) led to the blockade and then invasion of Algeria, which deposed Husayn 
Dey (q.v.), ending a remarkable North African state. 


Rome's presence in North Africa directly related to the Punic Wars. After the 
destruction of Carthage (146 B.C.) (later rebuilt) and the termination of the Jugurthine 
War (q.v. Jugurtha) in 106 B.C., Rome began to administer North Africa directly. The 
Romans used their legions (i.e., the Third Augustan [q.v.]) to build roads, ports, 
aqueducts, and baths. Roman expeditions reached into the Sahara (such as that of 
Lucius Bulbus in 19 B.C.). The Maghrib was a granary for Rome. Olives and 
viticulture were also part of the economy. Among the prominent "Algerian" cities: 
Pomaria (Tlemcen [q.v.]), Cartennas (Tenes), Tipasa, Icosium (Algiers [q.v.]), Calama 
(Guelma), Sitifis (Setif [q.v.]), Rusicade (Skikda), Cirta (Constantine [q.v.]), Thagaste 
(Souk Ahras), Thamugadi (Timgad), Igilgili (Jijel), Iol Caesarea (Cherchell [q.v.]), 
and Hippo Regius (Annaba [q.v.]). 

North Africa was particularly attractive to veterans. Roman cities in Algeria featured 
mosaics, baths, theaters. 

Page 3 1 6 

The great ruins at Timgad and Djemila, for example, demonstrated the Roman planned 
city. The Romans probably introduced the camel to Numidia from their eastern 
provinces. The Roman administration did face chronic Berber (q.v.) revolts (e.g., 
Tacfarinas [q.v.] [17-24]; Faraxen [253-262]; Firmus [373-475]; Gildon). As the 
Empire began its decline in the third and fourth centuries, the prosperous North 
African colonies' accustomed high standard of living suffered. Christianity was 
viewed as a means of dissent and conversion occurred quickly. After Constantine's 
Edict of Milan (313), which established Christian toleration, the African Church 
suffered a schism known as Donatism (q.v.; q.v. Augustine). This also weakened 
Rome's political authority, expediting the Vandal (q.v.) takeover in the early fifth 

RUSTUMID DYNASTY (c. 776-910). 

A dynasty of Ibadi (q.v. Ibadism) Khariji(te)s (q.v. Kharijism) located at Tahert 
(Tahart; Tadgdempt). The first Rustumid imam was the Persian Abd al-Rahman ibn 
Rustum, who became governor of Qayrawan at the time of its capture by the 
Kharijites in 758. When the town was recaptured by the Arabs three years later, he fled 
westward and established his headquarters at Tahert. In 776, the imamate was 
conferred on him. At its height, the state stretched from Tlemcen (q.v.) to Tripoli. Like 
the Abd al-Wadid (q.v.) dynasty several centuries later, the Rustumids faced 
dangerous forces on the East (Aghlabids [q.v.]; Fatimids [q.v.]) and in the West 
(Idrisids). Given the religious demands of Kharijite society, the imamate government 
was constantly faced by the threat of schism and rebellion. This weakened the imam's 
authority and in 911 Fatimid (Shi'i [q.v. Shi'ism]) troops captured Tahert. 

Page 3 1 7 


SAADI, YACEF (b. 1928). 

ALN urban guerrilla. A baker's son, Saadi joined the PPA (q.v.) and then the OS 
(q.v.). He was arrested in Paris in 1953 but released on grounds of insufficient 
evidence. In 1956 he helped organize what would be the Battle of Algiers (q.v.). 

Saadi became the ALN leader of this campaign, which struck terror throughout the 
city. Using attractive Algerian women who could pose as "Europeans" to deliver 
explosive devices, the French resorted to calling in "paras" from the bled. The Battle of 
Algiers attracted worldwide attention. 

Arrested in 1957 (with Zohra Drif [q.v.]), he was condemned to death. He was 
released in 1962. Subsequently he married Djamila Bouhired (q.v.) and became 
associated with the Ahmed Ben Bella (q.v.)-Boumedienne (q.v.) (Tlemcen [q.v.]) 
group. Saadi presented an oral memoir of his activities in Souvenirs de la bataille 
d' Alger (1962) and published La Bataille d' Alger (1982). He also played himself in the 
classic film, The Battle of Algiers (1965) (q.v. Cinema). 

SAFIR, ELBOUDALI (twentieth century). 

Writer. Safir, with Emmanuel Robles, and others founded Forge (1946-1947), a 
literary journal that published Algerian authors. With the assistance of authors such as 
Mohammed Dib (q.v.) and Albert Camus (q.v.), he was also one of the organizers of 
Soleil { 1950-1952). 

SAHARA (q.v. Algerian Sahara) 


Writer; ambassador. Sahli works have reflected a historical search to affirm an 
Algerian identity as seen in works such as Le Message de Yougourtha (1947); 
Abdelkader, chevalier de la foi; and Decoloniser l' his to ire; Introduction a I his to ire du 
Maghreb .Sahli also served as Ambassador to Czechoslovakia. 

SAHNOUN, MOHAMED (b. 1931). 

Diplomat. Sahnoun received an excellent education. He attended the Lycee fra^ais de 

Page 3 1 8 

Constantine before studying at the Faculte de droit et des Sciences economiques in 
Paris, and New York University. Sahnoun participated in the War of Independence. He 
was director of the Africa, Asia, and Latin American affairs of the Foreign Ministry 
from 1962 to 1963 and director of Political Affairs in 1964. He also served as deputy 
secretary-general of the Organization of African Unity (1964-1965). Sahnoun has 
served with distinction as ambassador in critical posts. From 1975 to 1979, he was 
ambassador to the Federal Republic of Germany. In 1979, he became ambassador to 
France and participated decisively in the negotiation of the September 1980 agreement 
concerning emigrant labor (q.v.). He also played an important role concerning the 
Algerian mediation of the American hostage crisis with Iran (1979-1981). He became 
ambassador to the United States in 1984 and organized the presidential summit 
meeting in 1985 between Chadli Benjedid (q.v.) and Ronald Reagan (1985). When 
Abdelhamid Mehri (q.v.) was called to Algiers to lead the FLN (q.v.) after the October 
1988 "events" (q.v.), Sahnoun replaced him in Rabat. A friend of United Nations 
Secretary-General Boutros Boutros-Ghali, Sahnoun became the chief U.N. 
representative charged with the most difficult task of pacifying war-torn Somalia and 
providing food for its starving people. Sahnoun's efforts were admired internationally, 
but he resigned in frustration (November 1992) because of the lack of international 
support. His resignation drew greater attention to the region and eventually the 
intervention of U.N.-backed troops. 

SAHRAWI (Sahraoui, Saharawi) (q.v. POLISARIO, Western Sahara). 

SAID, ABID (1933-1967). ALN (q.v.)/ANP (q.v.) 

officer. Said served in the War of Independence as an operations officer. After 
independence, he served with Colonel Tahar Zbiri (q.v.) in the Fifth Military region. 
He succeeded Zbiri in 1963 and commanded operations against the FFS (q.v.) in 
Kabylia (q.v. Hocine Ait Ahmed). Alienated later by Colonel 

Page 3 1 9 

Houari Boumedienne (q.v.) and loyal to Zbiri, this able soldier participated in the 
attempted coup in 1967. Evidently, its failure led to his suicide. 


Poet. The poetry of Saihi, who composes in Arabic, has dealt with the Setif (q.v.) riots 
of May 1945, the War of Independence, agrarian reform, and bureaucratic excess. 


This was a Tunisian village bombed on February 8, 1958, by French forces during the 
War of Independence resulting in 80 fatalities including women and children. The 
international outrage and Felix Gaillard's government accepting the "good offices" of 
the Americans and British to settle French-Tunisian grievances upset the politicized 
Army, which recalled the Suez fiasco. The Gaillard government fell in April, and in 
May 1958 the military and settlers overthrew the Fourth Republic (q.v. Introduction) 
and called for Charles de Gaulle (q.v.) to assume power. 


Orthodox reformist movement in Islam generally following in the spirit of 
Muhammad Abduh's (q.v.) teachings. In Algeria, adherents were particularly intent on 
attacking maraboutic brotherhoods as well as the Young Algerians (q.v.), who were 
influenced by French culture and who appeared to want to become French. The 
Salafiyya movement emphasized a return to religious sources and the customs of the 
salaf , or the pious predecessors of early Islam. Salafiyya ideas were publicized in the 
weekly newspaper Du-L-Faqary dited by Ibn al-Mansur al-Sanragi. Abd al-Halin ibn 
Smaya taught Salafiyya ideas at the Algiers Madras a. T \\q Salafiyya movement 
inspired the formation by Shaykh Abd al-Hamid Ben Badis (q.v.) of the Association of 
Reformist Ulama (q.v.). 

SALAH RAIS (d. 1556). 

Beylerbey . An Egyptian who had a distinguished naval career with the Ottomans (and 

Page 320 

Barbarossas), he succeeded Hassan Pasha (q.v.) as Beylerbey in 1552. His reign was 
noted for extending Turkish domination into the interior. He forced the qa'ids of 
Touggourt and Ouargla to pay tribute. Biskra (q.v.) came under Turkish control. He 
captured Fez in 1553, but was unable to keep it. He captured Bejaia (q.v.) from the 
Spanish, which was their second most important Algerian enclave (after Oran [q.v.]). 
The Beylerbey died of the plague as he marched on Oran. 

SALLUST (86-c. 35 B.C.). 

A Roman official and historian. Sallust held a governorship in Africa and other 
official posts during the late Republic. He supported Julius Caesar and opposed 
Cicero. His history entitled the Jugurthine War (112-105 B.C.) surveys the difficulties 
the Romans had in suppressing Jugurtha (q.v.) and the Numidians. It also provides 
historians with valuable descriptions of North African politics, cultures, and values. 


A large confederation of Berber (q.v.) tribes. The Sanhaja were generally desert or 
pastoral Berbers and included three main tribes: the Lamtuna (Lemtouna), Giuddala, 
and Massufa. They reached the height of their influence from the tenth to twelfth 
centuries given the rise of the Zirid (q.v.) and Almoravid (q.v.) dynasties. They 
usually fought against the Zenata (q.v.) Berbers. Sanhaja power diminished with the 
rise of the Zenata Almohad (q.v.) dynasty. 


A sufi order/brotherhood. Its founder was Muhammad Ali ibn al-Sanusi (1787-1859) 
who was born in Algeria. Sanusi called for Muslim unity and questioned ulama legal 
interpretations. The Sanusiyya became a strong missionary and reformist movement in 
Libya where a determined effort was made to unify tribes. The Sanusis resisted Italian 
colonialism. After World War II, the head of the Sanusis (Sayyid Idris) became King 
of Libya. 

Page 321 

SAOUT AL-ARAB (q. v. Salah Boubnider). 

SEBBAR, LEILA (b. 1941). 

Writer. Sebbar was born in Algeria but moved to France. Her father was Algerian and 
her mother French. Her writings describe the difficulties reconciling her identity and 
those of other Beurs, or "second generation" (q.v. Emigrant Labor), suspended 
between two powerful cultures. Her literary contribution includes the novels: Fatima 
ou les Algeriennes au square (1981); Sherazade, brune,frisee, les yeux verts (1982); 
Parle monfds, parle a ta mere (1984); and Les Carnets de Sherazade (1985). 

SENAC, JEAN (1926-1973). 

Poet. Senac was born in Oranie (the region of Oran). His background was French and 
Spanish. Senac opposed colonialism and became poetically engaged in the liberation 
of «Mere Algerie» while living in France and Spain. In October 1962 he was an 
adviser to the Ministry of Education. In 1963 he helped found the Union des Ecrivains 
algeriensAAis tragic murder in Algiers has remained unsolved. Senac not only 
distinguished himself as a poet, but he promoted the poetry of others. Among his 
works are: Poemes (1954); Matinale de mon peuple (1961); Avant-Corps, precede de 
Poemes iliaques et suivi du Diwan du Noun (Paris 1968); and Anthologie de la 
nouvelle poesie algerienne (1971). There have also been posthumous publications 
(e.g. Le mythe du sperme [1984 ]; Alchimies {lettres a /' adolescent)[\9%l] 

SENATUS-CONSULTES OF 22 APRIL 1863 AND 14 JULY 1865 (q.v. Introduction). 
Proclamations by Napoleon III (q.v.) in 1863 and 1865. The Senatus-Consultes 
collectively reflected the French Emperor's Algerian sensibility and naivete. The 1863 
Senatus-Consulte declared that communal and permanently occupied Algerian lands 
would be protected from sequestering. This meant the recognition of 

Page 322 

Muslim property rights, but this was to be institutionalized by identifying, delimiting, 
dividing, and subdividing Muslim lands among tribes and family clans 
(duwar). Ironically, the introduction of Western property standards resulted in the 
eventual selling of tribal lands. French "subject" status was conferred upon the 
Muslims by the Senatus-Consulte of 1865. While Muslims were officially allowed to 
participate in the administration and military, they could not become full French 
citizens unless they abandoned their Islamic civil legal status. Very few of the 
colonized were willing to qualify their personal position as Muslims. (There were only 
about 2,000 full French Muslim citizens before World War I.) 

SETIF (Sitif). 

City southwest of Constantine. Setif is located on the ruins of the Roman city of 
Sitifis, the capital of the province Mauretania Sitifiensi NQdxby is the battle site where 
the Almohads (q.v.) defeated the Banu Hilal (q.v.) in 1152. The city declined during 
the period of the Turkish domination following the sixteenth century. 

Setif is renowned in modern Algerian history as the site of an event that had a 
significant influence on the development of Algerian nationalism. On May 8, 1945, a 
victory in Europe celebration was planned in Setif. Nationalists were upset over the 
concurrent deportation proceedings of Messali Hadj (q.v.). During the parade 
nationalist placards appeared (some demanding the release of Messali Hadj). 
Demonstrators also unfurled the green and white flag that had been Abd al-Qadir's 
(q.v.) banner. When colonial authorities tried to seize these placards and flags, the 
crowd went wild. Shots were fired, apparently by the police. Algerians broke up into 
mobs that swarmed the streets and attacked Europeans. Before the day was over, 
nearly 100 Europeans had been killed. The French reaction was swift and brutal. 
Before the reprisals subsided, possibly 50,000 Algerians had died. (The Tubert Report 
claimed that between 1,020 and 1,300 were killed; between 5,000 and 10,000 is 
generally held to be 

Page 323 

accurate.) Of the more than 4,500 arrests, only 2,000 were ever brought to trial; 151 
were sentenced to death, and 28 were actually executed. There was also violence in 
nearby Guelma. 

The AML ( Amis du Manifeste et de la Liberte)(q.\.) was blamed for the upheaval. 

The united nationalist movement soon lost its cohesion, though it was beginning to 
fracture before this tragedy, given the increasingly influential presence of PPA (q.v.) 
militants. The uprising particularly politicized the younger Muslim generation. The 
growth of radical nationalism among the younger elite quickly led to the War of 
National Liberation that broke out in November 1954. 

Setifs population was recorded at 186,978 in 1983. 


Sufi founder of Shadiliyya movement (tariqa ). Bom in the Moroccan Rif, al-Shadili 
journeyed to the Mashriq and eventually returned to the Maghrib, establishing himself 
in Tunisia. Shadiliyya adherents were subject to the religious authority of a spiritual 
governor, or leader, (wali).The movement spread throughout the Maghrib (q.v. 

SHARSHAL (q.v. Cherchell). 


An Islamic sect. Like Kharijism (q.v.), Shi'ism involved the figure the Caliph Ali. 
Unlike the Khariji, the Shi'ites (Shi'a) supported Ali and believed that he and his 
descendants should hold the Caliphate. Shi'ism includes the doctrine of the "Hidden 
Imam" (especially adhered to by the followers of the Twelfth Imam [Muhammad al- 
Muntazar] known as "Twelvers") and the Mahdi , a divine "rightly guided leader" who 
would bring justice to the world. 

North African history has been influenced significantly by the Isma'ilis ("Seveners" 
who follow Isma'il, the Seventh Imam). The Fatimid dynasty (q.v.) was an Isma'ili 
dynasty. The concept of the Mahdi played an important role in the 

Page 324 

Almohad (q.v. Ibn Tumart) movement The vast majority of Algerians follow 
Sunnism (q.v.). 

SI ABDELKADER EL-MALI (q.v. Abdelaziz Bouteflika). 

SI AHMED (q.v. Ahmed Draia). 

"SI MAISUM" (title given to Muhammad Ben Ahmad) (c. 1820-1883). 

Algerian leader of the Shadhili Order. Born among the Gahrib tribe (between Bogari 
and Miliana), he received his formal training at Maouma, a center of Islamic studies. 
He returned to his tribesmen and established mosques at Kuran and Fikh. After 
visiting the shrine of Abd al-Rahman al-Tha'libi (q.v.), he became interested in the 
Shadhili Order. Shortly after joining, he was appointed a shaykh . The French offered 
him the directorship of a madrasa in Algiers (q.v.), but he declined. Si Maisum 
remained on good terms with the French. 

SI MOHAND OU-MHAND (18457-1907). 

Kabyle (q.v.) poet. Most of Si Mohand's work was oral (q.v. Oral Tradition), but it 
was later collected and translated by Mouloud Feraoun (q.v.) and Mouloud Mammeri 
(q.v.). Si Mohand has been called the "Kabyle Verlaine." 

SI OTHMANE (q.v. Bouhadjar Benhaddou). 

SI SALAI I (q.v. Mohammed Zamoum). 

SI TAYEB (q.v. Omar Oussedik). 

SONATRACH (q.v. Hydrocarbons). 


Nationalist; revolutionary. Souidani was Rabah Bitaf s (q.v.) second in command for 
the region of Algiers (q.v.) during the first two years of the War of Independence. He 
had been 

Page 325 

a member of the PPA (q.v.), of the OS (q.v.), and of the Committee of Twenty- Two 
(q.v.). After the uprising of 1945 (q.v. Setif), he was particularly interested in buying 
and dealing weapons, which resulted in an 18-month sentence in 1949. Out of prison, 
he participated in the holdup of the Oran post office, later killed a French police 
inspector, and lived underground in Boufarik until the outbreak of the revolution in 
November 1954. He was killed while on his way to talk to a French journalist, Robert 

SOUIYAH, HOUARI (b. 1915). 

Nationalist; revolutionary. Souiyah was a businessman from Oran who was a member 
of the MTLD's (q.v.) central committee in 1954. He sided with the "Centralist" group 
against Messali Hajj (q.v.) as the party split. Like other prominent MTLD members, 
Souiyah was arrested by the French in November 1954. After his release in April 
1955, he joined the ALN (q.v.) in Oran region. After independence, he was appointed 
prefect in Oran, was elected to the National Assembly, and became a member of the 
Central Committee of the FLN (q.v.). He held no official position after Houari 
Boumedienne's (q.v.) coup of June 1965 (q.v.). 


meeting held in the Soummam Valley during August and September 1956. This 
Congress had "internal" representatives from all of the revolutionary war zones but 
none from the so-called "external" delegation (q.v. Ahmed Ben Bella). The primary 
leader was the dynamic Ramdane Abane (q.v.). Delegates affirmed the primacy of 
internal leaders and blamed external leaders for failing to supply enough weapons to 
support the continuing struggle against the French. This heightened intraelite tensions. 
The Congress affirmed collegiality or group decisions and the primacy of the political 
arm of the FLN over the military. 

The Soummam Congress created the parliamentary Conseil National de la Revolution 
Algerienne (CNRA) (q.v.) and 

Page 326 

the executive Comite de Coordination et d Execution (CCE) (q.v.). The CCE made 
decisions between meetings of the full CNRA. The Soummam Platform reasserted the 
FLN's objectives as declared in the Proclamation of November 1 (q.v.). It also stated 
that the agricultural sector would receive special attention after independence. At 
Soummam, the decision was made to bring the war to Algiers (q.v. Battle of Algiers). 

SOUSTELLE, JACQUES (1912-1990). 

Governor-general during the War of Independence. Soustelle was an anthropologist of 
pre-Columbian societies and a Gaullist who was appointed governor-general of 
Algeria in 1955 by Premier Pierre-Mendes France. Soustelle's liberal reputation 
preceded him, and he received a chilly welcome in Algiers by the increasingly worried 
settlers. Soustelle comforted them by asserting that Algeria was part of France and that 
this would be cemented by a policy of complete "integration" (q.v.). Of course, that 
realization threatened the settlers' position, too, because implicitly this meant the 
projected political democratization of Algeria. Soustelle intensified social and 
economic improvements highlighted by the creation of the Sections d Administrative 
Speciales (SAS). Nevertheless, the FLN-instigated massacre of settlers (pieds-noirs 
[q.v.]) at Philippeville (Skikda) in August 1955 shocked this sensitive man, resulting 
in arbitrary retribution ("collective responsibility"). Consequently, he became a 
staunch adherent of French Algeria. 

When it was announced by the Guy Mollet government that he was to be replaced, 
Soustelle was given a rousing farewell. He came back to Algeria in 1958 when de 
Gaulle took over and served briefly in his government. Soustelle's advocacy of French 
Algeria and opposition to de Gaulle's policies eventually drew him toward 
conspiratorial rebellion. 

Soustelle was later pardoned, and he served as a senator from Lyons. He continued his 
anthropology (a member of the Academie frangaise since 1983), but he always main- 

Page 327 

tained that France had lost a great opportunity in Algeria. It is doubtful if this well- 
intentioned man's policy of integration would have been accepted by both colonial 
and metropolitan France. 


This group was dispatched by King Louis-Philippe (q.v.) in 1830 to assist him in 
deciding what to do with the conquest of Algiers and littoral areas. In December 1833, 
the Special Commission was enlarged and it became known as the "African 

The commission's report generally concluded that France needed to maintain its 
presence. It argued that it would be an "act of weakness" to withdraw. It considered 
the "military and maritime" advantages of Algeria's geostrategic position. The 
commission considered the beneficent potential of France's "civilizing mission." It 
applied the familiar imperialist rationale that "markets are becoming rare." Above all, 
the commission recognized that the French population found this enterprise popular. 
This convinced Louis-Philippe to endorse colonization in 1834. 

STATE PLANS (q.v. Appendices; Hydrocarbons; Introduction). 

Houari Boumedienne's (q.v.) regime initiated economic planning. Algeria implemented 
a Three- Year (Pre-) Plan (1967-1969) and two Four- Year Plans (1970-1977) to 
establish an industrial base. The general strategy was to build "industrializing 
industries" to act as economic multipliers. Monies were particularly allocated toward 
hydrocarbons and manufacturing industries. The implementation of these plans were 
complemented by the growth of technocrats to manage new state enterprises. 
Boumedienne's socialist state-building resulted in a highly centralized state capitalism. 
The rise in energy prices reaching unanticipated heights caused, however, global 
diseconomies that eventually affected producers like Algeria with regard to the cost of 
capital investment. A criticism of this type of development with its 

Page 328 

consequential ultramodern industries was that it was not labor-intensive, thus failing 
to address effectively the country's massive under- and unemployment. In addition, 
concentrated attention and expenditure in the second sector left the first and third 
sectors relatively neglected. 

Chadli Benjedid's (q.v.) two Five-Year Plans (19801989) attempted to correct these 
"intersectoral imbalances." The First Five-Year Plan (1980-1984) aimed to complete 
the projects of the Four- Year Plans, but also aspired to coordinate sector integration, 
thereby creating a greater balance in economic development. This plan devoted greater 
attention to agriculture and infrastructure and reduced the accelerated capital-intensive 
heavy industrialization of Boumedienne's plans. The Second Five-Year Plan (1985- 
1989) complemented the first as it targeted the elimination of the vertical and 
horizontal state monopolies, thereby continuing economic decentralization. The 
Second Five-Year Plan continued the quest for a stronger internal economy through 
developing sectoral integration in preparation for the "after petroleum" period. Algeria 
also aspired to stimulate transfers of technology. In early 1988, an effort was made to 
stimulate the state sector as many of its companies were transformed into competitive 
Entreprises Publiques Economiques (EPE) with independent boards of directors 
owned by independent trust monies. If unsuccessful, the EPEs would be threatened 
with liquidation. The realization of state planning objectives in the 1980s was impeded 
by the precipitate drop in petroleum prices and, after the October 1988 riots (q.v.), 
political instability. 

The riots discredited the FLN (q.v.) politically and economically. Liberalization of the 
economy accelerated the deconstruction of the statist Boumedienne system. In 1990 
the state monopoly over foreign trade ended. Foreign investment was offered more 
generous terms (Algeria's investment codes had been restrictive). Then for the first 
time Algeria negotiated an agreement with the International Monetary Fund. In 
February 1992, Prime Minister Sid 

Page 329 

Ahmed Ghozali (q.v.) called for more liberal economic reform. His successor, Belaid 
Abdesselam (q.v.), has braked liberalization and has called for severe austerity. He 
also favors more control over foreign investment. Algeria's future planning will be 
qualified by its compounding international debt ($25 billion in 1992), its collapsing 
economy, and its enduring political crisis. 


An act of the French National Assembly that created an Algerian Assembly of 120 
members based on the two-college system, 60 of whom were to be Muslims. The 
purpose was to give Algeria more local autonomy, though the Assembly had little 
actual power. European settlers generally opposed the change and demanded and 
received a strong (and historically amenable) governor-general to assure themselves 
continued control over the colonial administration. 

The statute gave all Muslims French citizenship, but it kept separate electoral colleges. 
In general the new system failed to satisfy intractable pieds-noirs (q.v.) and impatient 
Algerian nationalists. Elections were fixed to ensure a malleable Muslim representation 
in the Assembly. Nationalists also criticized the voting system, which was heavily 
weighted to protect and perpetuate the settlers' power. After their initial participation 
in the process, elections were boycotted (especially by the Messalists [q.v. Messali 
Hadj]) while others explored revolutionary alternatives (e.g., OS [q.v.]; CRUA [q.v.]). 


A major branch of the Kharijis (q.v. Kharijism) said to have been founded because of 
its members' opposition to the sanctioning of the murder of one's adversaries and their 
families. The Sufriyyi also rejected the idea that non-Khariji Muslims could be 
regarded as pagans. They appeared in the Maghrib in the eighth century and 
eventually allied themselves with the Ibadis (q.v. Ibadism) and were absorbed into 
their ranks. 

Page 330 


An Algerian branch of the Shadiliyya (q.v. Abul-Hasan al-Shadili) religious order, 
established in the nineteenth century. 


The Orthodox Islamic sect. The vast majority of Algerians are Sunni (Sunnites) and 
follow the doctrines of Malikism (q.v.). Besides the Qur'an, the Sunnis emphasize the 
customs of Muhammad's time and the practices of the Prophet (sunna ) as recorded in 
reports (hadith).ThQ interpretations of the sunna and the hadith in relation to the 
Qur'an contributed to the development of different Sunni schools of law such as the 

SYPHAX (d. 203 B.C.). 

King of the Massyli of western Numidia. At first an ally of Rome, he then supported 
Carthage following his marriage to Sophonisbe. Scipio fought him, won, and took 
him to Rome as part of his triumphal parade. Syphax's rival was Masinissa (q.v.), an 
ally of Scipio's, who then annexed Syphax's kingdom. 

Page 331 


TACFARINAS (d. A.D. 24). 

At one time a Roman auxiliary, Tacfarinas led a Numidian revolt for eight years. He 
survived three Roman victories before falling in battle at Auzia against the Roman 
proconsul Dolabella. 

TAFNA, TREATY OF (20 May 1837) (q.v. Introduction). 

A highly significant peace agreement between the Amir Abd al Qadir (q.v.) and 
General Thomas-Robert Bugeaud (q.v.). The Treaty's stipulations disclosed that the 
French interpreted the Amir's territory as sovereign, underscoring the idea of an 
Algerian statehood. It also stipulated that Abd al-Qadir could purchase arms. Given 
the expedient negotiation and the conflicting ambitions of the Amir and the French, 
the treaty was in effect for only two years. 


Mnister; medical doctor; son of the Shaykh Bachir Ibrahimi (q.v.). Taleb Ibrahimi was 
elected president of the UGEMA in 1955 and served in the FLN's Federation de 
France (FFFLN) before being arrested in February 1957. He was imprisoned in the 
infamous Sante but released in 1961. He served in the GPRA's (q.v.) delegation to the 
United Nations in December 1962. 

Taleb Ibrahimi was arrested in June 1964 for associating with 
"counterrevolutionaries," but he was released in January 1965. In July 1965 he was 
appointed minister of national education, and in July 1970 he became minister of 
information and culture. After the death of President Houari Boumedienne (q.v.), he 
served as counselor minister to President Chadli Benjedid (q.v.). After the tragic death 
in 1982 of Mohamed Ben Yahia (q.v.), Taleb Ibrahimi became the foreign minister. He 
served in this position until the formation of the Kasdi Merbah (q.v.) cabinet of 
November 9, 1988. A year later he became a member of the enlarged Central 
Committee of the FLN. Taleb Ibrahimi became a critic of Benjedid's policies. After the 
establishment of the High Council of State (q.v.), Taleb Ibrahimi was viewed as 

Page 332 

a possible choice for prime minister before the selection of Belaid Abdesselam (q.v.) 
in July 1992. He is apparently esteemed by the military and technocratic elite. 

He is the author of Lettres de prison (1966) and De la decolonisation a la Revolution 
culturelle (1973). The latter work surveys the development of official Algerian 
cultural policy. In the early 1980s Taleb Ibrahimi urged a greater appreciation of 
Algeria's pluralist cultural heritage. 

TALEB, MUHAMMAD (1917-1952). 

Nationalist. Taleb was a leading Messalist (q.v. Messali Hadj) serving in the ENA (q.v.) 
and the PPA (q.v.). He was a founder of L' Action algerienne, the underground PPA 
newspaper published in 1944 to 1945. He supported the AML (q.v.) and was on the 
MTLD (q.v.) Central Committee. It was reported that at his funeral 5,000 mourners 
sang the PPA anthem. 

TAOS-AMROUCHE, MARGUERITE (q.v. Amrouche, Marie-Louise) (1913-1976). 
Kabyle (q.v.) author and sister of Jean Amrouche (q.v.). Educated in France, she 
settled there permanently in 1945. Publishing under the name of Marguerite- Taos 
Amrouche, she was the author of two novels, Jacinthe noire, which first appeared in 
1947 and was reedited in 1972, and La Rue des tambourins, published in 1960. She 
also edited a collection of Kabyle poems and tales entitled Le Grain magique, which 
appeared in 1966. She promoted Berber culture through literature, radio broadcasts, 
and records. 


The site of remarkable prehistoric cave artistry (thousands of illustrations) that 
indicates how the Sahara supported a neolithic herding culture. These "frescoes" are 
highlighted by paintings of hunters, cattle herders, horsemen, and chariots. The 
paintings' ages range from 5500 B.C.-A.D. 100. The site was particularly studied and 
analyzed by Henri Lhote in the 1950s. It is one of the world's greatest sites of 
prehistoric art. 

Page 333 

TAYEBI, MOHAMED (b. 1918) (nom de guerre, Si [Commandant] 

Larbi, also used by Ben Redjem Larbi). Nationalist; revolutionary; ambassador; 
minister. A native of Sidi-Bel- Abbes, he was a merchant who became a member of the 
PPA (q.v.) and the OS (q.v.). He headed zone III in Wilaya V during the War of 
Independence. He then served as a deputy in the National Assembly, ambassador to 
Cuba (1963) and Brazil (1964). He also became director general of national security. 

He was a member of the Council of the Revolution (q.v.) and the secretariat of the 
FLN (q.v.). He became minister of agriculture and agrarian reform in 1968. In 1980 he 
served as secretary-general of the government. 

TEMAM (Temmam), ABDELMALEK (d. 1977). 

Nationalist; revolutionary. A member of the PPA (q.v.), he did not act openly because 
he was employed by the French colonial administration. As a member of the Central 
Committee of the MTLD (q.v.), he sided against Messali Hadj (q.v.) in the party split 
of 1954, but he joined the FLN (q.v.) in May 1955 and worked on El-Moudjahid.Yie 
was a member of the CNRA (q.v.). Arrested in 1957, he spent the balance of the war 
in prison. Released in 1962, he participated in the drafting of the Tripoli Program 
(q.v.). He also served on committees that prepared the FLN Congresses of 1962 and 
1964. He then became the director of the Algerian National Bank (BNA). 

JAZARIRI (1386-1468). 

Sidi Abd al-Rahman al-Tha'libi was one of the most famous citizens of Algiers. He is 
famous for his scholarship, saintliness, and especially his commentary of the Qur'an. 


This Roman military unit was garrisoned in North Africa and provided 

Page 334 

security and acted, too, as a work force. At first recruited from Gaul, legionaries were 
later raised in North Africa. For about 400 years, the Third Augustan was the only 
legion permanently assigned to North Africa. It was composed of about 5,000 to 6,000 
men. It was complemented by non-Roman auxiliaries, creating a total force of about 
20,000 to 25,000. 

THRASAMUND (d. 523). 

Vandal king. He was a successor and nephew of Huneric (q.v.). Though an Arian, he 
did not persecute establishment (Catholic) Christians to the extent that his uncle did. 
He was cultivated and tried to keep good relations with the Byzantines (q.v.). 

Byzantine relations with traditional Christians were nonetheless a constant threat to his 
power. He married Amalfrida, the sister of Theodoric the Ostrogoth. Thrasamund 
faced marauding tribesmen from Mauretania (q.v.), Tripolitania, as well as Numidia 


Tuareg (q.v.) alphabet or writing system that is similar to ancient Egyptian 
hieroglyphics or Phoenician script. 


An Islamic Sufi brotherhood founded by Ahmad bn Muhammad al-Tijani in 1781. It 
spread from the border area of Algeria and Morocco eastward and also southward 
into the Sahara and West Africa (influencing the famous West African jihad of al-Hajj 
Umar in the nineteenth century). It was more egalitarian than other brotherhoods and 
particularly rivaled the Qadiriyya (q.v.). 

TLEMCEN (Tilimsan). 

Very historic city of northwestern Algeria. The site has been inhabited since 
prehistoric times, probably due to its location as a watering spot (Berber word tilmas 
meaning "spring"). Little is known of its history until the eighth century, when Idris I 
of Fez built a mosque at that location. Thereafter Tlemcen (q.v.) served as a Muslim 
provincial capital of importance. The modern city was 

Page 335 

established by the Almoravid (q.v.) Yusuf ibn Tashfin (q.v.) near the end of the 
eleventh century and was expanded by the Almohads (q.v.) during the following 
century Under the Almoravids, it served as a theological and legal training center (q.v. 
Literature in Arabic). It has several famous mosques such as the "Great Mosque." 
During the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, Tlemcen grew as a religious center and 
commercial hub for the region while serving as the capital of the Abd al-Wadid 
dynasty (q.v.). It prospered, too, under Marinid control. Because of its commercial 
and cultural significance, it remained an object of aggression by the Turks and 
Spaniards during the first half of the sixteenth century The Turks finally secured 
possession of it in 1555. During the period of Turkish occupation the city fell into 
decline. From 1830 to 1833, it came under the suzerainty of the Sultan of Morocco. 
The French under Governor-General Thomas-Robert Bugeaud (qv.) took control over 
it in 1842, and it became a commune de plein exercise (q.v.). In 1858 it became an 
arrondissement (district) capital. During 1956 the city was practically besieged by a 
section of the ALN (q.v.) forces. After the administrative reform of 1958, it became 
the capital of a department of the same name. It is located on Algeria's main east-west 
railroad and highway. The name of the city was given in 1962 to the "Tlemcen group," 
or the Ahmed Ben Bella (q.v.)-Houari Boumedienne (q.v.) faction that opposed the 
GPRA (q.v.). 

The population was recorded as 146,089 in 1983. 


In the late 1980s there were more than 100,000 kilometers (62,000 miles) of national 
roads including the Trans-Saharan highway. Railways (3,900 kilometers/ 2,418 miles 
of track) provide passenger service and especially transport coal, lead, zinc, and iron 
ore to the coast. The government wants to expand this network to exploit the country's 
considerable national mineral wealth. The Algiers Metro is projected to be running 
during the 1990s. Air Algerie is the national airline and operates internationally 

Page 336 

from four airports (Algiers, Oran, Annaba, and Constantine). Algeria's national fleet 
features ferries and LNG tankers. A construction of a new port has begun at Djendjen 
near Jijel. Algiers's port is also projected for modernization. 


document. This document was the product of the last meeting of the wartime FLN 
before intraelite rivalry broke out in violence. The Tripoli Program was presented in 
June 1962. It criticized the Evian Accords (q.v.) (and by inference the elite who 
negotiated it) and its neocolonial character. It asserted that a "People's Democratic 
Revolution" would lead the postcolonial "ideological combat." It proclaimed a 
"socialist option" for Algeria's future development. Heavily imbued with Marxism, the 
program declared that the quest for democracy necessitated class conflict and 
economic transformation. It also projected the nationalization of foreign interests in 
Algeria ("the recovery of natural resources"). Emphasizing the first sector, it also 
proposed classic socialist models of state farms and cooperatives. Clearly, the Tripoli 
Program viewed the decolonization of the economic sectors, including ending the 
economic duality (e.g., modern and traditional) and repairing the devastation caused 
by colonialism, as complementing Algeria's revolutionary political image. The co- 
writers of the Tripoli Program included Mohammed Ben Yahia (q.v.), Mostefa 
Lacheraf (q.v.), Redha Malek (q.v.), and Mohammed Harbi (q.v.). 

TUAREG or TOUAREG [singular: TARGET]. 

A Saharan nomadic people located in Algeria at the Ahaggar (Hoggar) Mountains and 
the Adjjer Plateau of the Sahara. Their nomadism particularly traverses the Algeria- 
Niger border. These Berbers (q.v.) are distinguished by the men wearing veils and not 
the women. Their Berber language is known as Tamahaq and their alphabet Tifinagh 
(q.v.). The Tuareg maintain many of their ancestral customs to the exclusion of 
Islamic tenets. For example, they practice a number of 

Page 337 

matriarchal principles in family matters and uphold a caste system. 

The 1968 to 1974 severe drought forced many of the Tuareg to cities, abandoning their 
pastoralist profession. In addition, relentless modernization has also penetrated the 
Sahara, threatening Tuareg ancient practices and customs. The Tuareg response 
recently (early 1990s) has been a violent one. In Mali, Tuareg have demanded an 
independent state and, in Niger, some type of federal accommodation in order to 
preserve their imperiled identity. 


Historically, Tunisia has been a staging ground for invasions of Algeria. The 
Carthaginians (q.v. Carthage) penetrated eastern Algeria. The rise of the Numidia 
(q.v.) reciprocated by advancing eastward and participated under Masinissa (q.v.) in 
the eventual downfall of Carthage. 

Tunisia was known as Ifriqiya during the time of the Arab conquest. The Arabs settled 
in Qayrawan and planned further expansion westward. The Aghlabids (q.v.) spread 
their power westward to Algeria as did their successors, the Fatimids (q.v.). Tunisia 
along with the rest of the Maghrib came under the Almohads (q.v.). The Hafsids, like 
the Marinids, and Algerian Abd al-Wadids (q.v.), broke free from Almohad control. 
The Hafsids usually controlled sections of eastern Algeria. With the slow decline of 
the Hafsids, the Spanish and Turks vied for control. In 1574 the Turks took over. In 
the 1600s the Tunisian beylik , like the Algerian Regency (q.v.), operated independently 
though officially still under the suzerainty of the Sultan. The Husaynid dynasty was 
established in 1705. 

The French took over Tunisia in 1881 and made it (like Morocco later) a protectorate 
(unlike Algeria, which was assimilated as part of France). A Young Tunisian 
movement (influenced the Young Algerians [q.v.]) led to a Destour, then Neo-Destour 
Movement (Tawfiq al-Madani [q.v.] was a cofounder) headed by Habib Bourguiba. 
Bourguiba led the country to autonomy in 1954 and full independence in 1956. 

Page 338 

During the Algerian War of Independence, the FLN (q.v.) and the ALN (q.v.) were 
given political and military havens. President Bourguiba's efforts to mediate the 
conflict failed. The French air strike at Sakiet Sidi Youssef (q.v.), Tunisia, contributed 
to the fall of the Fourth Republic. The Tunisian effort to force the French from their 
Bizerte base ended in bloodshed in 1961. Bourguiba had hoped to alter the border in 
order to share the hydrocarbon wealth located in eastern Algeria. The FLN's 
determination to maintain colonial borders (q.v. Evian Accords; Morocco) prevented 
any demarcation change. 

After Algeria attained its independence, Bourguiba observed how France tolerated 
nationalizations. His effort to nationalize French land resulted in a harsh French 
response, which soured relations for years. Algeria's ideological radicalism seemed 
also threatening and even enveloping after Muammar Qaddafi came to power in Libya 
in 1969. 

In January 1980, Libyan-trained Tunisian commandos attacked Gafsa in southern 
Tunisia. This force had been permitted unofficially to maneuver through Algeria. This 
resulted in President Chadli Benjedid's (q.v.) condemnation of the Gafsa operation 
and initiated a period in which Algeria tried to assure the Tunisians of its goodwill. 
The result was an accord in 1983 that became a cornerstone in the pursuit of Maghrib 
Unity (q.v.). 

Relations with Algeria continued to be close after Zine el-Abidene Ben Ali gently 
removed the aged Bourguiba from power in November 1987. President Ben Ali found 
himself, like President Benjedid, confronted by political Islamism. He was less willing, 
however, to pursue a democratic course. He applauded the arrival of the High Council 
of State (q.v.) and its subsequent suppression of the FIS (q.v.). 

Page 339 


'UBAYD ('UBAID) ALLAH (q.v. Fatimids; Shi'ism). 

FIHRI) (d. 683). 

Famous Arab general in the early conquest of the Maghrib. He was a maternal nephew 
of Amir Ibn al-As, the Arab conqueror of Egypt, who gave him command in Ifriqiya 
(663). 'Ukba founded the stronghold of al-Qayrawan (al-Kairouan) in 670. The areas 
he conquered remained dependencies of Egypt. In 675, 'Okba was replaced by Abu al- 
Mujahir. The Caliph eventually returned 'Ukba to his governorship of Ifriqiya in 682. 
This time he led armies into the Zab and in Tahart, where he succeeded in gaining 
tribute for the Umayyads (q.v.). There is historiographical dispute of how far his 
expedition to the West extended. His reaching the Atlantic Ocean was probably 
legendary. Charles-Andre Julien (q.v.) contended that he reached central Algeria. 

'Ukba was not able to consolidate his gains by occupying the countryside. He was 
overwhelmed at the Battle of Tahudha (Thabudeos) by Berbers and Greeks under the 
command of Kusayla (q.v.). 


Arab dynasty. This Arab dynasty with its capital at Damascus extended its power 
westward into North Africa, Andalusia (Iberian peninsula), and southern France. The 
Arabs, after having initial difficulties conquering the Maghrib given the defense of 
Berber (q.v. Kusayla; al-Kahina) and Byzantine (q.v.) forces, finally were able to 
establish themselves along the littoral (q.v. Musa Ibn Nusayr). The expansion of the 
Arabs was also culturally highly significant given the introduction of Islam and the 
Arabic language. The Umayyads managed to keep the Arab empire's integrity. After 
they were overthrown by the Abbasid (q.v.) coalition, the empire became fragmented. 
In North Africa there were the developments of powerful independent Arab dynasties 
(q.v. Aghlabids; Fatimids). 

Page 340 


A liberal party formed by Ferhat Abbas (q.v.) in 1946 after the failure of the Amis du 
Manifeste et de la Liberte (AML) (q.v.)* As with all of Abbas's efforts before he 
joined the FLN (q.v.), this party sought to solve Algerian problems peaceably within 
the French system. For example, it campaigned in local elections under the flawed 
framework of the Statute of Algeria (q.v.). 

After the War of Independence broke out, the FEN targeted the UDMA with terrorism 
(symbolized by the assassination of Abbas's nephew in August 1955). The UDMA 
already had doubts of France's ability to reconcile the national aspirations of the 
Algerian people with that of colonialism. By the end of 1955, the party's political base 
had eroded. In April 1956 Abbas joined FEN cadres in Cairo and eventually presided 
over the GPRA (q.v.) (1958-1961). 


The Union of Algerian Writers was first created in October 1963. This group became 
inert in 1967 when Jean Senac (q.v.), the organization's secretary-general, resigned. 
Brought to life again in January 1974 (q.v. Malek Haddad), it is essentially composed 
of Arabophone authors. It was one of a dozen professional unions controlled by the 
FEN (q.v.). 


Algerian labor union, the UGTA was founded in 1956 as a means to exercise Algerian 
labor power and promote worker "national" solidarity. The UGTA lost its autonomy 
when it was taken over by the FLN (q.v.) in 1963. Nevertheless, strikes occasionally 
occurred and were endured by the Government. Since the liberalization as a 
consequence of the October 1988 riots, Algerian workers have become much more 


Influential member of the Ulama . Born near Biskra, al-Uqbi was an 

Page 341 

eloquent, impulsive, and polemical public speaker who was a member of Abd al- 
Hamid Ben Badis's (q.v.) Association of Reformist Algerian Ulama (q.v.). He had 
lived in the Hijaz and was influenced by the Wahhabi movement. He broke with the 
Ulama in the mid- 1930s. Al-Uqbi was charged by colonialist authorities with having 
instigated the murder of the Grand Mufti of the Malekite (Maliki) rite in Algiers in 
1936. This resulted in a lengthy litigation, but al-Uqbi was eventually cleared of the 

Page 342 


VANDALS (q.v. Gaiseric; Gelimer; Hilderic; Huneric; Thrasamund). 

Collective name for a group of Teutonic tribes that occupied the area of Algeria in the 
fifth and sixth centuries. In 428 the Vandals invaded North Africa under the leadership 
of Gaiseric. By May 430, only three Roman cities had not fallen to them: Carthage 
(q.v.), Hippo (q.v. Annaba), and Cirta (q.v. Constantine). In January 435, Gaiseric 
signed a treaty with Emperor Valentinian III, whereby the emperor retained Carthage 
and its province, and the other six provinces were surrendered to the Vandals. In 
October 439, Gaiseric attacked Carthage and captured it. From their North African 
kingdom, the Vandals sailed to Italy and sacked Rome in 455. The Vandals occupied 
North Africa for 94 years. They settled along the coast and the immediate hinterland. 
The Berbers remained independent, though they were actively recruited for the Vandal 

Pursuing his objective to restore the Roman Empire, the ambitious Byzantine Emperor 
Justinian (q.v.) commanded Belisarius to lead an expedition against the Vandals. 
Meeting little resistance, the Byzantines entered Carthage on September 14, 533. After 
the subsequent Battle of Tricamarum, Gelimer, the Vandal ruler, was routed and 
forced to flee to the mountains, where he eventually surrendered. After a minor revolt 
in 536, the Vandals disappeared from Algerian history. 

VICHY ALGERIA (June 1940 to November 8, 1942). 

Following the signature of the armistice with the Axis in June 1940, the European 
settlers (q.v. pieds-noirs ) of Algeria enthusiastically rallied behind Marshal Philippe 
Petain's government located at Vichy. The halfhearted European resistance was short- 
lived once the settlers realized that the armistice did not endanger either their personal 
or business interests or their control over the Muslim majority. The settlers were 
allowed to form fascist and ultranationalist organizations. The Vichy government 
banned political parties and imprisoned European and Muslim leaders and began a 

Page 343 

persecution of Jews (q.v.) (e.g., the abrogation of the Cremieux Decree [q.v.] and the 
implementation of anti-Semitic laws). Increased collaboration eventually led to the 
formation of small European and Jewish resistance units, which conspired with the 
Americans to facilitate the invasions of Algeria and Morocco in November 1942. 

Although the Muslims supported the Third Republic's war effort (in sharp contrast to 
the colons, who saw little reason to die for Danzig), as "subjects" and not citizens, it 
made little difference to them who governed Algeria. Catering at the same time to the 
European minority, the Vichy administration deprived the Muslim population of many 
of their prewar advantages and rights. Although some Muslims supported the pro- 
Nazi Parti Populaire Frangais and the Parti Populaire A Igerien , Muslim resistance to 
the Vichy regime came from members of the Algerian Communist Party (PCA) (q.v.) 
(whose secretaries, Kaddour Belkaim, Ali Rabiah, and Ahmed Smaili, were 
assassinated or executed by the Vichy government) and from members of the French- 
educated evo/wAs,such as Ferhat Abbas (q.v.). Vichy, however, rejected Abbas's 
repeated attempts to gain equality and citizenship for the Muslims, which prompted 
him to change his political goals from that of cooperation to autonomy. 

Economically, Algeria was exploited to meet demands by Vichy France and the Nazis. 
Algeria provided supplies for General Erwin Rommel's Afrika Korps in Libya. (Vichy 
successfully resisted German efforts to obtain French North African military 
collaboration [the Paris Protocols].) Nevertheless, the Vichy government also realized 
Algeria's economic vulnerability without its secure trans-Mediterranean commercial 
network. Projects were outlined to promote rapid industrialization. The Martin Law 
(loi Martin)aimed at providing Muslims with irrigated and expropriated lands, but it 
was never implemented. 

Paradoxically, given the ideals of the Atlantic Charter, Vichy's policies in Algeria were 
supported indirectly by the 

Page 344 

United States government, which agreed to supply food and fuel to stem the North 
African disintegrating economy In return the Americans were granted the right to 
place a dozen American vice-consuls in North Africa for intelligence operations (the 
Weygand-Murphy Agreement). The Americans made little effort to work with 
Algerian nationalists. Even after the success of the Allied invasion, some of the Vichy 
legislation remained temporarily in place (q.v. Jews). It is the general historiographic 
consensus that General Charles de Gaulle (q.v.) never forgot settler collaboration with 
Vichy and that this affected his sensibilities concerning their plight during Algeria's 

VIEUX TURBANS (Old Turbans). 

Early twentieth-century Islamist group. The Vieux Turbans defended traditional Islam, 
the Ulama , and especially the Sharia and its juridical system from a variety of colonial 
threats (e.g., the imposition of French civil law on Muslims). They were particularly 
critical of the assimilationist Young Algerians (q.v.). One of the most prominent Vieux 
Turbans was M'hamed Ben Rahal (q.v.). These Islamists can be viewed as forerunners 
of the Association of Reformist Ulama (q.v.). 

Page 345 



q.v. Introduction. 

WARMER LAW OF 1873 (q.v. Senatus-consultes). 

Act of French government, which effectively removed control over land from the 
Muslim communities. Under its provisions, communal tribal lands were made 
available for sale (approximately 310,000 hectares). Once sold, land would remain 
under French land codes and could not return to Muslim property law even if 
purchased by a Muslim. The law resulted in the eviction of Muslims from the fertile 
coasts to the hinterlands and condemned thousands economically to meager self- 
subsistence by farming poor land or by pursuing migrant labor. The Warnier Law and 
its legal complement of April 22, 1887 (redrew [i.e., restricted] communal property 
lines), were the fundamental measures resulting in the expropriation of 1,750,000 
hectares (excluding the territory taken before and after the Great Kabyle Revolt of 
1871-1872 [q.v.]). 


Writer; poet; and playwright. Born near Sedrata, Wattar was the editor of an Arabic 
journal entitled Al-Sha'ab al-thaqafi ( Ash Shah ath thaqafi)(Cultural People) AAq 
became highly influential in Arabic literary circles. Among his novels (written in 
Arabic) are Smoke from My Heart (1961), The Ace (1974), and The Earthquake 


Ex-Spanish Sahara. The controversial decolonization, or technically "de- 
administration," of Spanish Sahara by the Madrid Accords of November 1975 
effectively partitioned the territory between Morocco and Mauritania. After having 
misunderstood or miscalculated Moroccan ambitions (q.v. Morocco), Algeria began 
supporting logistically and diplomatically the Sahrawi liberation organization 
POLISARIO (q.v.) and, since February 27, 1976, the Sahrawi Arab Democratic 
Republic (SADR). 

Page 346 

Algeria's objective has been the realization of an internationally recognized authentic 
national self-determination. The development of Maghribi cooperation (q.v. Maghrib 
Unity) has helped reconcile Algeria with Morocco. The anticipated United Nations 
national self-determination referendum for late 1991 or early 1992 has not taken place. 
A resolution remains problematic as of this writing primarily because of difficulties 
defining and identifying legitimate Sahrawi voters for the referendum. 


Women comprise 52 percent of Algeria's population and make up just below 10 
percent of the active work force. About the same number of women receive schooling 
as men, though this varies in some regions. In general, more women are illiterate than 
men given the very few educational opportunities before independence. (In 1982 the 
total percentage of literate people [fifteen years and older] was at 44.7 percent with 
57.3 percent males and 31.7 percent females). In Algeria's history women have played 
a very important role. While there are the examples of the renowned al-Kahina (q.v.) 
and the lesser known Lalla Fatima (q.v.), women have traditionally had important and 
influential roles in Berber societies. During the War of Independence, women played a 
highly significant role (q.v. Battle of Algiers). Frantz Fanon (q.v.) especially described 
how their efforts would result in a new, more egalitarian position in independent 
Algeria's society. As Fadela M'Rabet, David C. Gordon, and Peter R. Knauss, among 
others (q.v. Bibliography), have disclosed, this promise was frustrated by traditional 

Nevertheless, women did pursue social and political equality. Ten women were elected 
to National Assembly. One of the deputies, Fatima Khemisti, the wife of slain Foreign 
Minister Mohamed Khemisti (q.v.), succeeded in passing her bill that raised the female 
minimum eligible age of marriage to sixteen. Women were also granted constitutional 
equality. Concurrently the Union Nationale des 

Page 347 

Femmes Algeriennes (UNFA) was organized and eventually integrated into and 
thereby monitored by the FLN. The National Charter of 1976 (q.v.) underscored the 
positive role played by women during the revolution and the need for their social 
"emancipation." Nine women became deputies in the Assemblee Populaire Nationale 

Algerian feminists were mobilized with the Family Code legislation (q.v.) of the 
1980s. From October 1981 to January 1982, feminists demonstrated against the code's 
patriarchal stipulations. Among the protesters were some of the heroines of the 
revolution, including Zohra Drif (q.v.), Djamila Bouhired (q.v.), and Fettouma 
Ouzegane. Meriem Benmihoub, a prominent lawyer, has also played an important role 
during this period and in the development of Algerian feminism. These extraordinary 
demonstrations succeeded in having the government reconsider the code. 
Nevertheless, in 1984 the Family Code (q.v.) was passed, which repudiated demands 
concerning monogamy, equal inheritance, equal age at marriage, equal divorce rights, 
and the end of forms of paternalism. In general, the Family Code viewed women as 
under the guardianship of men. 

The emergence of the Islamist FIS heightened feminist concerns. New women's 
groups have been formed such as the Algiers Association for the Emancipation of 
Women and Independent Association for the Triumph of Women's Rights. Human 
rights groups, i.e., the LADH and LADDH (Algerian League of the Defense of Human 
Rights), have also supported women's emancipation. Collectively, these groups' 
foremost objective is to change mentalities. That challenge is quite difficult given the 
Islamist movement, which is symbolized by the wearing of traditional Muslim 
clothing. For example, the FIS mayor of Annaba fired an office secretary because she 
refused to wear a veil at work. Yasmina Belkacem, a renowned revolutionary heroine 
who lost both legs while carrying a bomb during the War of Independence, was 
challenged by a young university man who questioned her revolutionary reputation 
because she 

Page 348 

was wearing slacks. She responded: "If we [women] had not fought . . . you would be 
a bootblack in the streets of Algiers in order to earn something to buy a morsel of 
bread" (Le Nouvel observateur [international], no. 1273 [1989]: 59). 

There have been women parliamentarians and especially women ministers (q.v. 
Appendices) (Zohor Ounissi, a sociologist and former editor of El Djazaira;a nd 
Nafissa Lalliam and Leila Aglaoui in Sid Ahmed Ghozali's 1991 government). Meriem 
Zerdani has recently become a minister counselor in Prime Minister Belaid 
Abdesselam's (q.v.) government. While the vast majority of Algerian women are not 
actively involved in women's rights movements, feminist activities have attracted 
worldwide attention as have the literary contributions of women such as Assia Djebar 
(q.v.) and Leila Sebbar (q.v.). 

Page 349 



Spanish Cardinal (1507); statesman. Cardinal Ximenes was a fervent Catholic prelate 
with political ambitions. After the expulsion of the Moriscos and their settling in the 
Maghrib, he urged the Spanish government to establish itself on the North African 
coast, in part to preempt Morisco and Muslim retribution. 

In 1505 Mers el-Kebir was taken after corsairs had attacked Alicante, Elche, and 
Malaga earlier in the year. Under Pedro Navarro (q. v.), Oran (q.v.) was taken in 1509. 
The Cardinal accompanied this expedition in which 4,000 Muslims were massacred 
and 8,000 were taken prisoner. The Cardinal consecrated two mosques as Catholic 
churches, founded a hospital for the wounded, established two monastic houses, and 
named an inquisitor. The Spanish also took Bejai'a (q.v.) in 1511. 

Page 350 




AZenata leader who established the Abd al-Wadids (Ziyanids) (q.v.). 


Minister; lawyer; chairman of the Algerian League of the Defense of Human Rights 
(LADDH). Yahia was attracted to Messali Hadj's (q.v.) PPA (q.v.) and MTLD (q.v.). 
and was imprisoned during the war. Like other Kabyles (q.v.), he became alienated in 
1949 as a consequence of the Berberist crisis (q.v.). He joined the FLN (q.v.) in early 
1955 and was a founder of the UGTA (q.v.). He was arrested in May 1956 and kept in 
house arrest until 1961. Yahia supported Hocine Ait Ahmed (q.v.) and Mohand Ou el- 
Hadj (q.v.) during the Kabyle insurrection of 1963-1964. 

After reconciling with the political establishment, he acceded to the Central Committee 
in April 1964. Yahia served as minister of public works in 1965-1966 and agriculture 
1966-1967. He left government office to become a lawyer. Yahia eventually served the 
Court of Appeals and Supreme Court. He has championed human (especially Berber) 
rights in Algeria. He was detained from October 1983 to May 1984 and from July 1985 
to June 1986. In a courageous act, a petition containing 2,700 names demanding 
Yahia's release was given to the Ministry of Justice in January 1984. In June 1985 he 
founded with others the LADDH. It became an affiliated member of the International 
Federation of Human Rights in December 1986. 


Officer; FLN (q.v.) party leader. By the end of the War of Independence, which he 
spent fighting in Wilaya I, Yahiaoui had risen to the rank of captain. He served briefly 
in the FLN hierarchy, but returned to the ANP (q.v.) as assistant director of the 
Military Academy at Cherchell (q.v.). In late 1965, he was named commander of the 
Third Military Region (Bechar/Colomb- 

Page 351 

Bechar). As FLN party coordinator, he was a member of the Political Bureau of the 
FLN and gave one of the keynote speeches at the 4th Party Congress. Yahiaoui 
favored "pure and hard" socialism. It was this Congress, however, that rejected 
Yahiaoui and selected Chadli Benjedid (q.v.) as secretary-general of the FLN and sole 
candidate for the country's presidential elections of February 1979. Surprisingly, 
Benjedid included his rival in the new Political Bureau of June 29, 1979. Nevertheless, 
in 1980 Mohamed Cherif Messaadia (q.v.), who was also eased out of the Political 
Bureau, replaced Yahiaoui as party coordinator. Yahiaoui returned to the Central 
Committee in 1989. Yahiaoui was prominently active among the anti-Benjedid faction 
of the FLN, which included Messaadia (q.v.), Ahmed Taleb Ibrahimi (q.v.), Abdelaziz 
Bouteflika (q.v.), and Boualem Benhamouda (q.v.). 

YASIN 'ABD ALLAH IBN YASIN (q.v. Almoravids). 

YAZID, M'HAMMED (b. 1923). 

Nationalist; diplomat. Yazid's father and grandfather served in the French Army. Yazid 
attended the lycee at Blida. He became a PPA (q.v.) activist who was also secretary- 
general of the AEMAN in 19461947. He was on the Central Committee of the PPA(- 
MTLD [q.v.]) when he was arrested in 1948 and sentenced to two years in prison and 
10 years of exile from Algeria. In France during the early 1950s, he lived a clandestine 
existence under the name of Zoubir. He was removed from party duties on Messali 
Hajj's (q.v.) insistence, presumably because he was too conciliatory with respect to the 
PCF (French Communist Party). He naturally became a strong Centralist in the MTLD 
split. On November 1, 1954, he was in Cairo where he immediately joined the FLN. 

Yazid and Hocine Ait Ahmed (q.v.) were "unofficial delegates" to the famous Bandung 
Conference in April 1955. Yazid became the FLN's representative in New York 

Page 352 

along with Abdelkader Chanderli (q.v.). He also served as minister of information in 
the GPRA (q.v.) (1958-1962). After independence, he was a deputy in the National 
Assembly. He served as ambassador in Lebanon (19711979) and in 1981 assumed the 
position of director of the office of the Arab League in Paris. Yazid was then tabbed to 
be director of the Institut dEtudes Strategiques Globales (INESG). 


Muslim reformers. The Young Algerians were a group of Muslims in the early 1900s 
who shared a French cultural and political orientation. They sought limited political 
reform within French Algeria, using the model of the Young Tunisian movement. 
Their position was symbolized by a delegation of nine under the leadership of Dr. 
Belkacem Ben Thami (q.v.), which arrived in Paris in June 1912 (another had been 
sent in 1908 [q.v. Clemenceau Reforms]). It presented a manifesto to the French 
government calling for the abolition of the Code de l'indigenat,(q-v ), equity of 
taxation, increased representation in Algerian local assemblies, representation for 
Muslims in some French assemblies, more educational opportunities for natives, and 
automatic French citizenship for conscripts with honorable discharges. The group's 
call in 1912 for immediate representation of non-French Algerians in Paris was 
opposed on all sides of the French political scene. In 1913 Ben Thami along with 
Omar Bouderba and Emir Khaled (q.v.), the grandson of Abd al-Qadir (q.v.), formed 
the Union franco-algerienne as a vehicle to promote Young Algerian positions. By the 
beginning of World War I, the group numbered about 1,000, mostly professionals. 
Their primary goal in the prewar period was to gain compulsory military service for 
Muslims in the belief that political rights would follow. The group split in 1919 over 
reaction to the Clemenceau reforms (q.v.) (Jonnart Law [q.v.]). Those remaining in 
the group suffered electoral defeat at the hands 

Page 353 

of Emir Khaled (q.v.) and grew increasingly isolated and politically anachronistic 
given the rise of nationalism. 

Prominent Young Algerians also included Fekar Ben Ali and especially Cherif 
Benhabyles, the author of L'Algerie frangaise vue par un indigene. 

Page 354 


ZAB. Region of Algeria, an area around Biskra (q.v.), measuring 125 miles east-west 
and 40 miles north-south, from the Sahara to the southern Atlas. Hardly occupied by 
the Romans, the area suffered from the Arabic invasions of the eleventh and twelfth 
centuries. From the sixteenth to the eighteenth centuries, the area was controlled by 
the Bu Okkaz family. Rivalry between this family and the Ben Gana clan continued 
from the end of that period until the French occupation in 1844. 


Arabophone novelist. Zahiri wrote a number of moralistic novels such as Customs 
among Algerian Women (1931), which defended the use of the veil, and Visiting Sidi 
Abed (1933), which attacked maraboutism. His work can be considered anticolonial. 


Diplomat. Zahouane was educated at the Lycee in Constantine, at the Sorbonne, and at 
New York University. After Algerian independence was achieved, he served as 
director of African, Asian, and Latin American affairs at the Foreign Ministry (1962- 
1963), then as director of Political Affairs (1964) in the same ministry. He was a 
delegate to the United Nations' General Assembly (1964-1965), then assistant 
secretary-general in the Organization of African Unity. He authored Economic and 
Social Aspects of the Algerian Revolution (1962). 

ZAKARIA, MOUFDI (1909-1977). 

Poet; lyricist; nationalist. Born in the Mzab (q.v.), he began publishing poems in 
Arabic in 1925. He was a prominent militant in the ENA (q.v.) and served in the PPA 
(q.v.). Zakaria composed the ENA's anthem. He was editor-in-chief of Ech Chaab and 
was arrested in August 1937 after the second edition was published. He was released 
before the outbreak of World War II and served in the clandestine PPA. He cooperated 
with Ferhat Abbas (q.v.), in editing the "Manifesto of the Algerian People." He 
supported the MTLD (q.v.) but did not 

Page 355 

take sides in its internal divisions. Upon the request of Rebbah Lakhdar (q .v.), he 
composed "Kassaman" in April 1955, which became the national anthem of Algeria. 

He was arrested in 1956. After the War of Independence, Zakaria left politics to handle 
his business affairs. He opposed Houari Boumedienne's (q.v.) government and died in 


ALN (q.v.) commander. AKabyle and son of a schoolteacher, Zamoum joined the OS 
(q.v.). He was arrested during the crackdown of that organization and tortured. After 
his release he played an important role in Kabylia (with Belkacem Krim [q.v] and 
Amar Ouamrane [q.v.]), planning and preparing for the War of Independence in 
Kabylia. Now called Si Salah, he succeeded Si M'hammed (Colonel Ahmed Bougarra/ 
Bouguerra) as the head of Wilaya IV. He was a member of the CNRA (q.v.). Col. 
Houari Boumedienne (q.v.) named Si Salah as an adjutant in the General Staff in the 
west. Instead of accepting this position, he undertook the perilous journey to Tunisia 
to plead for logistical support for the "interior" mujahidin. 

Frustrated by the lack of support from the GPRA (q.v.) and the exterior ALN, Si 
Salah, backed by the Wilaya IV council, made contact with the French and proposed a 
cease-fire based on the "Peace of the Brave" (q.v.). In one of the most dramatic 
moments of the War of Liberation, Si Salah secretly met President Charles de Gaulle 
(q.v.) in Paris in June 1960. Permitted a safe conduct back to Kabylia (q.v.), Si Salah 
eventually was executed by orders of Boumedienne. The former interpretation of his 
death was that he was killed by the French while attempting to reach Tunisia. 

ZAYANID (Ziyanid) DYNASTY (q.v. Abd al-Wadids). 

ZBIRI, TAHAR (born c. 1930). 

ALN/ANP officer. Born in the Annaba (q.v.) region, he began working as a miner at 
the age 

Page 356 

of sixteen. Zbiri became a member of (PPA-)MTLD (q.v.). He was an armed 
participant in an ALN (q.v.) attack on Guelma on November 1, 1954. In 1955 he was 
captured and imprisoned, but he escaped (with Mostefa Ben Boulaid [q.v.]). Zbiri 
served in the Aures and became a member of the CNRA (q.v.) in 1959. He broke 
through the Morice Line (q.v.) in 1960 to take command of Wilaya I. He was 
promoted to colonel in 1961 and sided with the Ahmed Ben Bella (q.v.)-Houari 
Boumedienne (q.v.) (Tlemcen) group in the violent intraelite conflict (June- August) of 
1962. Although he was Ben Bella's (q.v.) chief of staff of the ANP (q.v.), he supported 
Vice President Boumedienne during the coup of June 19, 1965, and personally 
arrested President Ben Bella. Remaining chief of staff but losing operational control 
under Boumedienne, Zbiri became alienated over the lack of attention given to former 
members of the internal ALN within the APN. In December 1967, he attempted a coup 
against Boumedienne. It failed and Zbiri was arrested and exiled (a notable difference 
compared with Colonel Mohamed Chaabani's fate [q.v.]). Zbiri was given a complete 
pardon in October 1980 by President Benjedid (q.v.), and he returned to Algeria. Zbiri 
became a member of an anti-Benjedid faction linked to Boumediennists after the 
October 1988 riots (q.v.). 


One of the two great confederations of Berbers (q.v.) (the other being the Sanhaja 
[q.v.]). The Zenata were more sedentary than the Sanhaja. They reached their height 
of power and influence under the Almohad dynasty (q.v.). 

ZENATI, RABAH (1877-1952). 

Writer; assimilationist. Zenati became a naturalized Frenchman in 1903 and became a 
teacher. He served in World War I in the Zouaves. Along with Said Faci (q.v.) and 
others he founded the journal La Voix des humbles in 1922. In 1929, he founded La 
Voix indigene in Constantine (q.v.), which was renamed in 1947 La Voix libre. 

Page 357 

Zenati wrote Le Probleme algerien vu par un Indigene (1938), which called for 
complete assimilation. 


Officer; ambassador; minister of defense; president. Zeroual was born in Batna and 
joined the ALN (q.v.) at the age of sixteen. He continued his military career after the 
War of Independence and attended military schools in Moscow and Paris. After 
heading Algerian military institutions and commands, he was promoted to general in 
1988 and was appointed commander of land forces. He resigned in 1989 after 
disagreements with President Chadli Benjedid (q.v.) and defense minister Khaled 
Nezzar (q.v.). In 1990, he was named Ambassador to Romania, but he left this post 
before the end of the year and retired. Nevertheless, in July 1993 he accepted the 
defense portfolio replacing Nezzar. In January 1994, Zeroual was selected to be 
"President of the State" by the HCS (q.v.). As of this writing he aspires for 
reconciliation and dialogue with the Islamists in an effort to end the internecine strife 
that has claimed approximately 4,000 Algerian lives. 

ZIGHOUT, YOUSSEF (d. 1956). 

ALN commander. A blacksmith, Zighout was a member of the PPA (q.v.), the OS 
(q.v.), the CRUA(q.v.), and the FLN (q.v.). He was Mourad Didouche's (q.v.) assistant 
in the North-Constantinois region ( Wilaya II). After Didouche's death, he succeeded 
him as commander. Along with Lakhdar Ben Tobbal (q.v.), Zighout played a decisive 
role in planning what would be the Philippeville massacres (August 20, 1955), an 
uprising by Algerians against Europeans. The atrocities committed by the ALN (q.v.) 
consequently incited bloody French retributions, which succeeded in demonstrating to 
Algeria, France, and the world that the FLN was determined to destroy colonialism by 
any means. Zighout was killed soon after the Soummam Conference (q.v.). 

Page 358 


Berber (q.v.) dynasty. Yusuf ibn Ziri ibn Manad (d. 971 ) and his Sanhaja (q.v.) 
Berbers had helped the Fatimids (q.v.) against the Ibadi (Kharijite) (q.v. Kharijism) 
Abu Yazid (q.v.) and the Zenata (q.v.) west of Tiaret. He constructed his capital at 
Ashir in the Titteri Mountain region. From this vantage point, he strengthened his 
position by sending his son Bulukkin (q.v.) to secure Algiers (q.v.), Medea, and 
Miliana. When the Fatimids left for Egypt, the Zirids were entrusted as their provincial 
governors (taking the title amir ) of the Maghrib. 

Bulukkin (r. 973-984) (q.v.) particularly increased Zirid power. By 980, he had taken 
over Morocco but withdrew before fortified Ceuta (reminiscent of past Fatimid 
enterprises). Under the Amir al-Mansur (r. 984-996), the Zirids began to assert their 
independence from the Fatimids, who responded by inciting their longtime Kutama 
(q.v.) allies to revolt. After the suppression of the Kutama, Zirid power was never the 
same. Another Sanhaja group, the Hammadid dynasty (q.v.), established itself at Qal'a 
early in the eleventh century and challenged the Zirids. When al-Mui'zz (r. 1016-1062) 
(q.v.) decisively broke with the Fatimids, the Caliph in Cairo dispatched the 
marauding Banu Hillal (q.v.) and Banu Sulaym to the East, which forced the Zirids 
into Mahdiya, which became their redoubt. (The Hammadids subsequently left Qal'a 
for Bejaia.) Weakened by internal dissensions, and its struggles against nomadic Arabs 
and rival Sanhaja Berbers, the Zirid state was gradually taken over by the forces of the 
Norman Roger II by 1150. 

ZIYANIDS (Zayanids) (q.v. Abd al-Wadids). 

Page 359 

French Governors in Colonial Algeria 

Louis-Auguste- Victor de Bourmont* 

Bertrand Clauzel* 

Pierre Bethezene* 

Anne-Jean-Marie-Rene Savary* 

Theophile Voirol* 

Jean-Bap tiste Drouet** 

Bertrand Clauzel* * 

Charles-Marie Denys Daumremont* * 

Sylvain-Charles Valee** 


Thomas-Robert Bugeaud* 

Louis-Christophe de la Lomorciere (La 

Marie- Alphonse Bedeau 
Henri-Eugene-Philippe-Louis d'Orleans 

Louis-Eugene Cavaignac 
Nicholas-Anne-Theodule Changarnier 
Gerald- Stanislas Marey Monge 

Viala Charon 

Alphonse-H enri d'Hautpol 






















* Served under the title Commander-in-Chief of the Army 
of Africa. 

**Served under the title Governor-General of French 
Possessions in North Africa. 

Page 360 

Aimable-Jean-Jacques Pelissier 


Jean-Louis-Cesar- Alexandre Randon 



Napoleon-Joseph-Charles-Paul Bonaparte 


Justin-Napoleon de Chasseloup-Laubat 



Aimable-Jean-Jacques Pelissier 


Edouard-Charles de Martimprey 


Marie-Edme-Patrice-Maurice de MacMahon 


Fran 9 ois-Louis-Alfred Durrieu 


Jean-Walsin Esterhazy 


Alexandre-Charles-Auguste du Bouzet 


Arsen e- Math ur in - Lo ui s - Mari e Lambert 


Louis-Henri de Gueydon 


Antoine-Eugene- Alfred Chanzy 


Jules-Philippe-Louis-Albert Grevy 


Louis Tirman 


Jules-Martin Cambon 


Loze (named but refused post) 

Louis Lepine 


Edouard- Julien Laferriere 


Celestin-Auguste-Charles Jonnart 


Charles Lutaud 


Celestin-Auguste-Charles Jonnart 


Jean-Baptiste-Eugene Abel 


Jules-Joseph-Theodore Steeg 


Henri Dubief 


Maurice Viollette 


Pierre-Louis Bordes 


Jules-Gaston-Henri Carde 


Georges Le Beau 


Page 361 

Jean-Charles Abrial 


Yves-Charles Chatel 


Bernard-Marcel Peyrouton 


Georges- Albert- Julien Catroux 


Yves Chataigneau 


Marcel-Edmond Naegelen 


Roger-Etienne-Joseph Leonard 


Jacques-Emile Soustelle 



Georges- Albert- Julien Catroux 


Robert Lacoste 



Raoul Salan 


Paul-Albert-Louis Delouvrier 


Jean Morin 


Christian Fouchet 


Based on lists in David P. Henige, Colonial Governors from the Fifteenth Century to 
the Present (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1970); Charles-Andre Julien, 
Histoire de I'Algerie contemporaine : La Conquete et les debuts de la colonisation 
(1827-1 87 7),vol. 1 (Paris: Presses Universitaires de France [PUF], 1964); Charles- 
Robert Ageron, Les Algeriens musulmans et la France (7#77-7979)(Paris: PUF, 
1968); and Charles-Robert Ageron, Histoire de I'Algerie contemporain : De 
I'insurrection de 1871 au declenchement de la guerre de liberation (1954)vo\. 2 
(Paris: PUF, 1979). 

Page 362 

Revolutionary Organizations and National Governments 

CRUA Members 

(Algiers, April 1954) 

"Historic Leaders" 

Ho cine Ait Ahmed 
Ahmed Ben Bella 
Mustefa Ben Boulaid 
Mohamed Larbi Ben MHidi 
Rabah Bitat 
Mohamed Boudiaf 
Mourad Didouche 
Mohammed Khider 
Belkacem Krim 

Membership of the Committee of Twenty- Two 
Mokhtar Badji 

Abdelkader (Kobus) (?) Belhadj 
Athmane Belouizdad 
Ramdane Ben Abdelmalek 
Hadj (?) Ben Alla 
Mostepha Benaouda 
Mustapha Ben Boulaid* 

Larbi Ben M'Hidi* 

Lakhdar Ben Tobbal 

Page 363 

Rabah Bitat* 

Zoubir Bouadjadj 
Said Bouali 
Ahmed Bouchaib 
Mohamed Boudiaf* 

Abdelhafid Boussouf 
Mourad Didouche* 

Ali Mellah 

Mohammed Merzoubui 
Mohammed Nechati 
Boudjemaa Suidani 
Yousef Zighout 

Names followed by (?) are members about whom there may be some question. Names 
followed by * are the "historic leaders" (q.v.); see CRUA list above. 

Members of the First CNRA 
(August 1956) 

Ramdane Abane* 

Ferhat Abbas 
Ho cine Ait Ahmed 
Ahmed Ben Bella 
Mustafa Ben Boulaid 
Ben Youssef Ben Khedda 
Larbi Ben M'Hidi 
Rabah Bitat 
Mohamed Boudiaf 
Saad Dahlab 
Mohammed Khider 
Belkacem Krim* 

Lamine Debaghine 

Mostepha Amar Benaouda 
Lakhdar Ben Tobbal* 
Mohammed Ben Yahia 
Abdelhafid Boussouf 
Mahmoud Cherif* 

Bachir Chihani 
Slimane Dhiles (?) 

Ahmed Francis 
Idir Aissat (?) 

Mohammed Lebjaoui (?) 
Ahmad Mahsas 
Abdelhamid Mehri 
Ali Mellah* 

Page 364 

Tawfiq al-Madani 
Amar Ouamrane* 
M'Hammed Yazid 
Youssef Zighout* 

Brahim Mezhoudi* 
Said Mohammedi* 
Abdelmalek Temmam 
Tayeb Thaalbi 

Names followed by (?) are men who, according to William B. Quandt (. Revolution 
and Political Leadership [Cambridge: MIT Press, 1969], 288), were probably 
members but whose membership has not been established beyond the shadow of a 
doubt. Names followed by (*) are those who attended the Soummam Congress that 
elected members to the CNRA. 

CCE Members 
(Cairo, September 1957) 

Ramdane Abane 
Ferhat Abbas 
Lakhdar Ben Tobbal 
Abdelhafid Boussouf 
Mahmoud Cherif 
Lamine Debbaghine 
Belkacem Krim 
Abdelhafid Mehri 
Amar Ouamrane 

First GPRA Members 
(September 1958) 

Ferhat Abbas, President 

Belkacem Krim, Vice President in Charge of Armed Forces 

Vice Presidents who were in French prisons at the time: 

Ho cine Ait Ahmed 
Ahmed Ben Bella 
Rabah Bitat 
Mohamed Boudiaf 
Mohammed Khider 

Page 365 

Lamine Debbagine, Minister for Foreign Affairs 
Mahmoud Cherif, Minister for Arms and Supplies 
Lakhdar Ben Tobbal, Minister of the Interior 
Abdelhafid Boussouf, Minister for Liaisons 
and Communications 

Abdelhamid Mehri, Minister for North African Affairs 
Ahmed Francis, Minister for Economic Affairs and Finance 
M'Hammed Yazid, Minister for Information 
Ben Youssef Ben Khedda, Minister for Social Affairs 
Tawfiq al-Madani, Minister for Cultural Affairs 

Secretaries of State: 

Lamine Khene 
Omar Oussedik 
Moustefa Stambouli 

Second GPRA 
(Tripoli, January 1960) 

Membership was the same as the First GPRA, 
but with the following changes: 

Belkacem Krim, added Ministry of Foreign Affairs 
to his other duties 

Abdelhamid Mehri, Minister for Social and Cultural Affairs 
Said Mohammedi, Minister of State 

Removed from the First GPRA were: 

Lamine Debbaghine (Foreign Affairs) 

Mahmoud Cherif (Arms and Supplies) 

Tawfiq al-Madani (Cultural Affairs) 

Resigned from the First GPRA: 

Ben Youssef Ben Khedda (Social Affairs) 

Third GPRA 
(August 1961) 

Page 366 

Ben Youssef Ben Khedda, President and Minister for Finance 
Belkacem Krim, Vice President and Minister of the Interior 

* Ahmed Ben Bella, Vice President 
*Mohamed Boudiaf, Vice President 
*Hocine Ait Ahmed, Minister of State 
Lakhdar Ben Tobbal, Minister of State 
*Rabah Bitat, Minister of State 

* Mohammed Khider, Minister of State 
Said Mohammedi, Minister of State 
Abdelhafid Boussouf, Minister for Armaments 
and General Liaisons 

M'Hammed Yazid, Minister for Information 
Saad Dahlab, Minister of Foreign Affairs 

* Honorary members who were actually in French prisons between 1958 and 1962. 

Ben Bella's First Government (September 1962) 

Ahmed Ben Bella, President 

Rabah Bitat, Vice President 

Amar Bentoumi, Minister of Justice 

Ahmed Medeghri, Minister of Interior 

Houari Boumedienne, Minister of National Defense 

Mohammed Khemisti, Minister of Foreign Affairs 

Ahmed Francis, Minister of Finance 

Amar Ouzegane, Minister of Agriculture 

Mohammed Khobsi, Minister of Commerce 

Laroussi Khelifa, Minister of Industry and Energy 

Ahmed Boumendjel, Minister of Reconstruction, Public Works 

Bachir Boumaza, Minister of Work and Social Affairs 

Abderrahmane Benhamida, Minister of Education 

Mohammed Nekkache, Minister of Health 

Page 367 

Said Mohammedi, Minister of War Veterans 

Abdelaziz Bouteflika, Minister of Youth and Sports 

Tawfiq al-Madani, Minister of Religious Foundations (Habous) 

Mohammed Hadj Hamou, Minister of Information 
Mohammed Hassani, Minister of Posts and Telecommunications 

Ben Bella's Second Government (September 1963) 

Ahmed Ben Bella, President 

Houari Boumedienne, Vice President and Minister of Defense 

Said Mohammedi, Vice President 

Amar Ouzegane, Minister of State 

Mohammed Hadj Smain, Minister of Justice 

Ahmed Medeghri, Minister of Interior 

Abdelaziz Bouteflika, Minister of Foreign Affairs 

Bahir Boumaza, Minister of Economy 

Ahmed Mahsas, Minister of Agriculture 

Ahmed Boumendjel, Minister of Reconstruction 

Mohammed Nekkache, Minister of Social Affairs 

Cherif Belkacem, Minister of National Orientation 

Tawfiq al-Madani, Minister of Religious Foundations 

Abdelkader Zaibek, Minister of Posts and Telecommunications 

Ahmed Kaid, Minister of Tourism 

Sadek Batel, Undersecretary, Youth Sports 

Ben Bella's Third Government (December 1964) 

Ahmed Ben Bella, President, Minister of Finance, Information, and Interior 

Houari Boumedienne, Vice President and Minister of Defense 

Said Mohammedi, Vice President 

Abderrahmane Cherif, Minister Delegated to Presidency 

Mohammed Bedjaoui, Minister of Justice 

Abdelaziz Bouteflika, Minister of Foreign Affairs 

Ahmed Mahsas, Minister of Agriculture 

Nourredine Delleci, Minister of Commerce 

Bachir Boumaza, Minister of Industry and Energy 

Page 368 

Mohammed Hadj Smain, Minister of Reconstruction and Housing 
Safi Boudissa, Minister of Work 

Mohammed Nekkache, Minister of Health, War Veterans, and Social Affairs 

Cherif Belkacem, Minister of Education 

Sadek Batel, Minister of Youth and Sports 

Tedjini Haddam, Minister of Religious Foundations 

Abdelkader Zaibek, Minister of Posts and Telecommunications 

Said Amrani, Minister of Administrative Reform 

Amar Ouzegane, Minister of Tourism 

Sid Ahmed Ghozali, Undersecretary for Public Works 

Members of the Political Bureau of the FLN Before the Boumedienne Coup of 1965 

First Political Bureau ( August 1962 ) 

Ahmed Ben Bella, President 

Mohammed Khider, Secretary- General of the FFN 

Rabah Bitat, Vice President 

Hadj Ben Alla, Vice President of Assembly 

Said Mohammedi, Minister of War Veterans 

Second Political Bureau {April 1964 ) 

Ahmed Ben Bella, President 

Hadj Ben Alla, President of the Assembly 

Said Mohammedi, Vice President 

Houari Boumedienne, Vice President and Minister of Defense 

Ali Mendjli, Vce President of Assembly 

Mohand Ou el Hadj, Member 

Ahmed Mahsas, Minister of Agriculture 

Omar Benmahjoub, Deputy 

Mohammed Nekkache, Minister of Social Affairs 

Abdelaziz Bouteflika, Minister of Foreign Affairs 

Bachir Boumaza, Minister of National Economy 

Ahmed Medeghri, Minister of Interior 

Page 369 

Tahar Zbiri, Chief of Staff of ANP 
Mohamed Chaabani, Commander Fifth Military Region 
Ait al Ho cine, President of Amicale in France 
Hocine Zahouance, Member 
Khatib Youssef, Deputy 

First Boumedienne Cabinet (July 1965) 

Houari Boumedienne, President and Minister of Defense 

Rabah Bitat, Minister of State 

Ahmed Medeghri, Minister of the Interior 

Abdelaziz Bouteflika, Minister of Foreign Affairs 

Ahmed Kaid, Minister of Finance 

Belaid Abdesselam, Minister of Industry and Energy 

Ali Mahsas, Minister of Agriculture 

Nourredine Delleci, Minister of Commerce 

Mohamed Bedjaoui, Minister of Justice 

Ahmed Taleb, Minister of Education 

Tedjimi Haddam, Minister of Public Health 

Abdelaziz Zerdani, Minister of Labor and Social Affairs 

Abdennour Ali Yahia, Minister of Public Works 

Mohamed Hadj Smain, Minister of Reconstruction and Housing 

Boualem Benhamouda, Minister of Mujahidin (Veterans) 

Abdelkrim Ben Mahmoud, Minister of Youth and Sports 
Larbi Saadouni, Minister of Religious Affairs 

Abdelkader Zaibek, Minister of Postal and Telecommunications Services 
Bachir Boumaza, Minister of Information 
Abdelaziz Maaoui, Minister of Tourism 

Changes in Boumedienne's First Cabinet. 

Smain was dismissed April 5, 1966. Reconstruction and Housing Ministry was merged 
with Public Works. 

Mahsas was dismissed September 22, 1966. Ali Yahia replaced him at the Ministry of 
Agriculture two days later and was himself 

Page 370 

replaced at Public Works by Lamine Khene. Boumaza fled Algeria on October 8, 1966. 
Mohamed Ben Yahia replaced him as Minister of Information on October 24, 1966. 

Zerdani and Ali Yahia resigned December 15, 1967. On March 7, 1968, Zerdani was 
replaced by Mohamed Said Mazouzi at the Ministry of Labor and Social Affairs, while 
Mohamed Tayebi took over for Ali Yahia as Minister of Agriculture. 

Cabinet Changes, 1965-1978 
1966 : 

Bitat, Minister of Transportation 
1967 : 

Ali Yahia, Minister of Agriculture; Mohamed Seddik Ben Yahia, Minister of 
Information; Khene, Minister of Public Works 

1970 : 

Belkacem, Minister of Finance; Tayebi, Minister of Agriculture; Yaker Layachi, 
Minister of Commerce; Mohamed Said Mazouzi, Minister of Labor and Social Affairs 

1973 : 

Belkacem, Minister of State; Bitat, Minister of Transportation; Smail Mahroug, 

Minister of Finance; Ben Yahia, Minister of Higher Education and Scientific Research; 
Ahmed Taleb-Ibrahimi, Minister of Information and Culture; Benhamouda, Minister 
of Justice; Boumedienne, Minister of National Defense; Said Ait Messaoudene, 
Minister of Post and Telecommunications; Abdelkrim Benmahmoud, Minister of 
Primary and Secondary Education; Omar Boudjellab, Minister of Public Health and 
Population; Zaibek, Minister of Public Works; Mouloud Kassim, Minister of 
Traditional Education and Religious Affairs; Mahmoud Guennez, Minister of War 
Veterans; Abdallah Fadel, Minister of Youth and Sports; Kamel Abdallah Khodja, 
Secretary of State for Planning; Abdallah Arbaoui, Secretary of State for Water and 

1975 : 

Mohamed Ben Ahmed Abdelghani, Minister of Interior 

Boumedienne Cabinet, 1978 

Mohammed Hadj Yala, Minister of Commerce 
Mostefa Lacheraf, Minister of Education 

Page 371 

Sid Ahmed Ghozali, Minister of Energy and Petrochemistry 

Mohamed Seddik Ben Yahia, Minister of Finance 

Mohamed Liassine, Minister of Heavy Industry 

Abdellatif Rahal, Minister of Higher Education 

Abdelmadjid Aochiche, Minister of Housing and Construction 

Redha Malek, Minister of Information and Culture 

Abdelmalek Benhabyles, Minister of Justice 

Mohammed Amir, Minister of Labor 

Belaid Abdesselam, Minister of Light Industry 

Mohamed Zerguini, Minister of Postal Services and Communications 

Said Ait Messaoudene, Minister of Public Health 

Boualem Benhamouda, Minister of Public Works 

Abdelghani Akbi, Minister of Tourism 

Members of the Political Bureau of the FLN (1979) 

Chadli Benjedid 
Rabah Bitat 
Abdelaziz Bouteflika 
Abdallah Belhouchet 
Ahmed Draia 
Ahmed Bencherif 

Mohamed Ben Ahmed Abdelghani 

Belaid Abdesselam 
Boualem Benhamouda 
Mohamed Said Mazouzi 
Mohamed Seddik Ben Yahia 

Mohamed Salah Yahiaoui Mohamed Amir 
Larbi Tayebi Kasdi Merbah 

Djilali Affane Ahmed Taleb-Ibrahimi 

Benjedid Government (March 8,1979) 

Chadli Benjedid, President of the Republic and Secretary- General of the Party 
Mohamed Ben Ahmed Abdelghani, Prime Minister, Ministry of Interior 
Abdelaziz Bouteflika, Minister, Adviser to the President 
Ahmed Taleb-Ibrahimi, Minister, Adviser to the President 
Abdelmalek Benhabyles, Secretary-General of the Presidency 
Mohamed Seddik Ben Yahia, Minister of Foreign Affairs 

Page 372 

Salim Saadi, Minister of Agriculture and Agrarian Reform 
Sid Ahmed Ghozali, Minister of Hydraulics 
Ahmed Ali Ghazali, Minister of Public Works 
Belkacem Nabi, Minister of Energy and Petrochemical Industry 
Said Ait-Messaoudene, Minister of Light Industries 
Mohamed Liassine, Minister of Heavy Industry 
Mohammed Hadj Yala, Minister of Finance 

Abdelhamid Brahimi, Minister of Planning and National Development 
Abderazak Bouhara, Minister of Health 

Rafik Abdelhak Brerhri, Minister of Higher Education and Scientific Research 

Mohamed Kharroubi, Minister of Education 

Mouloud Oumeziane, Minister of Labor and Vocational Training 

Abdelghani Akbi, Minister of Commerce 

Mohamed Zerguini, Minister of Post and Telecommunications 

Abdelmadjid Aouchiche, Minister of Housing, Construction, and Urban Development 

Mohamed Cherif Messaadia, Minister for War Veterans 

Boualem Baki, Minister for Religous Affairs 

Djamal Houhou, Minister for Sports 

Abdelmadjid Allahoum, Tourism Ministry 

Salak Goudjil, Transportation Ministry 

Lahcene Soufi, Minister of Justice 

Abdelhamid Mehri, Minister of Information and Culture 

Ahmed Houhat, Secretary of State for Fisheries 

Brahim Brahimi, Secretary of State for Forestry and Reforestation 

Smail Hamdani, Secretary-General of the Government 

Benjedid Government (July 15, 1980) 

Chadli Benjedid, President and Secretary-General of the Party (FLN) 

Ahmed Taleb Ibrahimi, Minister Counselor to the President 

Boualem Benhamouda, Interior 

Mohammed Seddik Ben Yahia, Foreign Affairs 

Page 373 

Selim Saadi. Agriculture and Agrarian Revolution 
Brahim Brahimi, Irrigation 
Mohammed Kourtbi, Public Works 
Belkacem Nabi, Energy and Petrochemicals 
Said Ait Messaoudene, Light Industry 
Mohammed Lias sine, Heavy Industry 
Mohammed Hadj Yalla, Linance 

Abdelhamid Brahimi, Planning and Organization of National Territory 
Abderrazak Bouhara, Health 

Rafik Abdelhak Brerhri, Higher Education and Scientific Research 

Mohammed Kharroubi, Secondary and Primary Education 

Mouloud Oumeziane, Labor and Vocational Cadres 

Abdelaziz Khallaf, Commerce 

Adennour Bekka, Posts and Telecommunications 

Ahmed Ali Ghazali, Housing, Construction, and Town Planning 

Bakhti Nemiche, Ex-Servicemen (Mujahidin) 

Abderahman Chiban, Religious Affairs 

Djamel Houhou, Youth and Sport 

Abdelmajid Allahoum, Tourism 

Salah Goudjil, Transport 

Boualem Baki, Justice 

Boualem Bessaiah, Information and Culture 

Secretaries of State 

Mohammed Tayebi Larbi, Secretary-General to the Government 

Ahmed Ben Frikka, Maritime Fishing 

Mohammed Rouighi, Woods and Afforestation 

Mohammed Larbi Ould Khalifa, Culture and Folklore 

Hajj Slimane Cherif, Secondary and Technical Education 

Mohammed Narbi, Vocational Training 

Ali Oubuzar, Foreign Trade 

Page 374 

Benjedid Government (January 12, 1982) 

Chadli Benjedid, President and Secretary-General of the Party (FLN) 

Mohammed Ben Ahmed Abdelghani, Prime Minister 

Ahmed Taleb Ibrahimi, Minister Counselor to the President 

Mohammed Hadj Yalla, Interior 

Boualem Benhamouda, Finance 

Mohammed Seddik Ben Yahia, Foreign Affairs 

Boualem Baki, Justice 

Selim Saadi, Agriculture and Agrarian Affairs 
Brahim Brahimi, Irrigation 
Mohammed Kourtbi, Public Works 
Belkacem Nabi, Energy and Petrochemicals 
Said Ait Messaoudene, Light Industry 
Kasdi Merbah, Heavy Industry 

Abdelhamid Brahimi, Planning and Organization of National Territory 
Abderrazak Bouhara, Health 

Rafik Abdelhak Brerhri, Higher Education and Scientific Research 

Mohammed Cherif Kharroubi, Secondary and Primary Education 

Mouloud Oumeziane, Labor and Vocational Cadres 

Abdelaziz Khallaf, Commerce 

Bachir Rouis, Posts and Telecommunications 

Adennour Bekka, Youth and Sports 

Ahmed Ali Ghazali, Housing Construction and Town Planning 

Bakhti Nemiche, Ex-Servicemen 

Abderahman Chiban, Religious Affairs 

Abdelmajid Allahoum, Tourism 

Salah Goudjil, Transport 

Boualem Bessaiah, Information 

Abdelmajid Meziane, Culture 

Mohammed Nabi, Vocational Training 

Page 375 

Secretaries of State 

Ahmed Ben Frikka, Maritime Fighting and Transport 

Mohammed Larbi Ould Khalifa, Secondary and Technical Education 

Ali Oubuzar, Foreign Trade 

Mohammed Rouighi, Woods and Afforestation 

Z'Hor Ounissi, Social Affairs 

Jalloul Khatib, Secretary of State to the Prime Minister for Civil Service and 
Administrative Reform 

Benjedid Government (January 22, 1984) 

Chadli Benjedid, President and Secretary-General of the Party (FLN) 

Abdelhamid Brahimi, Prime Minister 

Ahmed Taleb Ibrahimi, Foreign Affairs 

Mohammed Hadj Yalla, Interior 

Boualem Benhamouda, Finance 

Boualem Baki, Justice 

Abdallah Khalaf, Agriculture and Fisheries 

Bachir Rouis, Information 

Boualem Bessaiah, Posts and Telecommunications 
Belkacem Nabi, Energy and Petrochemical Industries 
Salah Goudjil, Transport 
Selim Saadi, Heavy Industry 
Zaytuni Masudi, Light Industry 

Mohammed Rouighi, Irrigation, Environment and Forestry 

Abdelaziz Khallaf, Commerce 

Mohammed Cherif Kharroubi, National Education 

Rafik Abdelhak Brerhri, Higher Education 

Mohammed Nabi, Vocational Training and Labor 

Kamel Boushama, Youth and Sports 

Djamel Houhou, Health 

Page 376 

Z'Hor Ounissi, Social Protection 

Bakhti Nemiche, Ex-Servicemen 

Ahmed Ben Fariha, Public Works 

Abdelrahman Belayyat, Housing and Construction 

Abderahman Chiban, Religious Affairs 

Abdelmajid Meziane, Culture and Tourism 

Ali Oubuzar, Planning and Organization of National Territory 

Benjedid Government (February 19, 1986) 

Chadli Benjedid, President and Secretary-General of the Party (FFN) 

Abdelhamid Brahimi, Prime Minister 

Ahmed Taleb Ibrahimi, Foreign Affairs 

Mohammed Hadj Yalla, Interior 

Abdelaziz Khallaf, Finance 

Mohammed Cherif Kharroubi, Justice 

Abdallah Khalaf, Agriculture and Fisheries 

Rachid Benyelles, Transport 

Bachir Rouis, Information 

Mo stefa Benamar, Trade 

Abdelmalek Nourani, Housing Construction and Regional Development 

Boualem Bessaiah, Culture and Tourism 

Belkacem Nabi, Energy and Petrochemical Industries 

Fay9al Boudraa, Heavy Industry 

Z'Hor Ounissi, National Education 

Rafik Abdelhak Brerhri, Higher Education 

Mohammed Rouighi, Irrigation, Environment, and Forestry 

Aboubakr Belkaid, Fabor and Vocational Training 

Zaytuni Masudi, Fight Industry 

Mohammed Djeghaba, War Veterans 

Ali Oubuzar, Planning 

Mo stefa Benzaza, Posts and Telecommunications 

Djamel Houhou, Health 

Ahmed Ben Fariha, Public Works 

Page 377 

Boualem Baki, Religious Affairs 
Mohammed Nabi, Social Affairs 
Kamel Boushama, Youth and Sports 

Mohammed Ben Ahmed Abdelghani, Minister-Counselor to the Presidency 
Mohammed Salah Mohammed, Secretary- General to the Government 

Benjedid Government (November 9, 1988) 

Chadli Benjedid, President and Secretary-General of the Party (FLN) 

Kasdi Merbah, Prime Minister 
Boualem Bessaieh, Foreign Affairs 
Aboubakr Belkaid, Interior and Environment 
Boualem Baki, Religious Affairs 
Mohamed Djeghaba, War Veterans 
Ali Benflis, Justice 

Mohamed Nabi, Labor and Social Affairs 

El-Hadi Khediri, Transport 

Mohamed Ali Amar, Information and Culture 

Sid Ahmed Ghozali, Finance 

Mourad Medelci, Commerce 

Ahmed Benfreha, Hydraulics, Forestry, and Fishing 

Nourredine Kadra, Agriculture 

Aissa Abdellaoui, Public Works 

Nadir Ben Matti, Construction, Housing, and Regional Development 
Mohamed Tahar Bouzghoub, Light Industry 
Salim Saadi, Heavy Industry 

Saddek Boussena, Energy and Petrochemical Industries 

Messaoud Zitouni, Public Health 

Abdelhamid Aberkane, Higher Education 

Slimane Chikh, Education and Training 

Cherif Rahmani, Youth and Sports 

Yacine Fergani, Posts and Telecommunications 

Page 378 

Benjedid Government (September 16, 1989) 

Chadli Benjedid, President and Secretary-General of the Party (FLN) 

Mouloud Hamrouche, Prime Minister 

Sid Ahmed Ghozali, Foreign Affairs 

Mohammed Saleh Mohammedi, Interior 

Said Chibane, Religious Affairs 

Ghazi Hidouci, Economy 

Mohamed el-Mili Brahimi, Education 

Abdelkader Boudjemaa, Youth 

Ali Benflis, Justice 

Mohamed Ghrib, Social Affairs 

Hassan Kahlouche, Industry 

Cherif Rahmani, Equipment 

Sadek Boussena, Mines 

El-Hadi Khediri, Transport 

Abdelkader Bendaoud, Agriculture 

Akli Kheddis, Public Health 

Hamid Sidi Said, Posts and Telecommunications 

Benali Henni, Minister Delegate for Local Authorities 

Abdessalem Ali-Rachedi, Minister Delegate for Universities 

Abdennour Keramane, Minister Delegate for Professional Training 

Smail Goumeziane, Minister Delegate for the Organization of Commerce 

Amar Kara Mohamed, Minister Delegate for Employment 

Abdelaziz Khallaf, Secretary of State for Maghrib Affairs 

Ahmed Medjouda, Secretary-General of the Government 

Benjedid Government (June 18, 1991) 

Chadli Benjedid, President 
Sid Ahmed Ghozali, Prime Minister 
Khaled Nezzar, Defense 
Lakhdar Brahimi, Foreign Affairs 

Page 379 

Aboubakr Belkaid, Parliamentary and Association Relations 

Abdelatif Rahal, Interior and Local Collectivities 

Ali Benflis, Justice 

Hocine Benissad, Economy 

Nordine Ait Lahoussine, Energy 

Ali Benmohamed, Education 

Mohamed Salah Mentouri, Labor and Social Affairs 

Abdenour Keramane, Industry and Mining 

Mohamed Serradj, Postal and Telecommunications 

Brahim Chibout, Veterans 

Chikh Bouamrane, Communication and Culture 

M'Hamed Benredouane, Religious Affairs 

Nafissa Lalliam, Health 

Djillali Liabes, Universities 

Mourad Belguedj, Transportation 

Mohamed Elyes Mesli, Agriculture 

Mustapha Herrati, Equipping and Housing 

Mohamed Boumahrat, Professional Training and Employment 

Ali Haroun, Minister Delegate of Rights of Man 

Cherif Hadj Slimane, Minister Delegate of Research, Technology, and Development 

Abdlemadjid Tebboune, Minister Delegate of Local Collectivities 

Ali Benouari, Minister Delegate of the Treasury 

Mourad Medlici, Minister Delegate of the Budget 

Ahmed Fodil Bey, Minister Delegate of Commerce 

Lakhdar Bayou, Minister Delegate of Small and Medium Industry 

Kamel Leulmi, Secretary- General of the Government 

Government of Algeria (July 19, 1992) 

High Council of State (. Executive ) 

Ali Kafi, President (replaced the assassinated Mohamed Boudiaf) 

Major General Khaled Nezzar, Redha Malek (replaced Ali Kafi; Malek also elected 
President of CCN in April 1992), Tidjani Haddam, Ali Haroun, Members 

Page 380 

Belaid Abdesselam, Prime Minister and Minister of the Economy 

Khaled Nezzar, Defense 

Lakhdar Brahimi, Foreign Affairs 

Messaoud Ait Chaalal, Councillor to the Prime Minister 

Abdelmadjid Mahi-Bahi, Justice 

Mohamed Hardi, Interior and Local Collectivities 

Ahmed Djebbar, Education 

Abdennour Keramane, Industry and Mines 

Brahim Chibout, Veterans 

Mohamed Elias Mesli, Agriculture 

Sassi Lamouri, Religious Affairs 

Farouk Tebbal, Habitat 

Mohammed Seghir Babes, Health and Population 
Maamar Benguerba, Labor and Social Affairs 
Djelloul Baghli, Professional Training 
Abdelouahab Bakelli, Tourism and Handicrafts 
Hamraoui Habib Chawki, Culture and Communication 
Abdelkader Khamri, Youth and Sports 
Tahar Allan, Postal and Telecommunications 
Mokhtar Meherzi, Transportation 
Hacen Mefti, Energy 
Mokdad Sifi, Equipment 
Ahmed Benbitour, Finance 

Minister Delegates 

Tahar Hamdi, Commerce 
Ali Brahiti, Budget 

M'Hammed Tolba, Interior, charged with public security, Director General of the 
National Security Police 

Kamel Leulmi, Secretary- General of the Government 

Page 381 

Name Changes of Selected Cities and Sites Since Independence 

Alma: Bou Douaou 
Aumale: Sour el-Ghozlane 
Bone: Annaba 
Bougie: Bejaia 
Castiglione: Bou-Ismail 
Colomb-Bechar: Bechar 
Fort de l'Eau: Bordj El-Kiffan 
Fort Flatters: Zaouiet el-Kahla 
Fort National: LarbaNath Iratten 
Inkermann: Oued Riov 
LaCalle: El-Kala 
Lambese: Tazoult 
Lamorciere: Ouled Mimoun 
Maison Carree: El-Harrache 
Marengo: Hadjout 
Margueritte: Ain Torki 
Nemours: Ghazaouat 
Orleansville: El-Asnam: Ech-Chlef 
Palestro: Lakhdaria 
Philipp eville: Skikda 
St. Arnaud: El-Eulma 
St. Cloud: Gdeyel 
St. Denis du Sig: Sig 
Trezel: Sougheur 

Page 382 

Selective List of Newspapers and Journals 

Note: Since the 1989 liberalization, 150 new dailies, weeklies, and magazines 
appeared. This list includes some of those publications. 

F Action algerienne. Under ground PPA (q.v.) publication. 

L'Afrique latine. Louis Bertrand's (q.v.) journal. 

Alger republican. Leading French-language Communist (q.v. Algerian Communist 
Party) newspaper of colonial Algeria. The paper championed Muslim interests, 
assuring it a faithful readership even among moderates. The best-known editors and 
contributors were Henri Alleg, Boualem Khalfa, and Isaac Nahori. It has recently 
reappeared as an independent publication as a result of the relaxation of press 

Algerie actualite. Weekly published by the Ministry of Information; became much 
more independent during the 1980s, especially under editor Kamel Belkacem, who 
was even censored in May 1989. 

Algerie //6r£.(PPA-)MTLD (q.v.) bimonthly. 

LAlgerien en Europe Publication of the Amicale des Algeriens en Europe. 

Attakadoum.(Al-Taqqadum/Progress) Bilingual publication (1923-1931); associated 
with Young Algerians. 

LAvenir. RCD newspaper. 

Al-Badil.MDA French-Arabic newspaper. 

Al-Balagh al-Djazai'iri Publication of Abu al- Abbas al-Alawi (q.v.), a prominent sufi 

Al-Basa'ir. Religious journal in Arabic of the Association of Algerian Reformist Ulama 
(q.v.) from 1936 to 1939; 1947 to 1956. 

Du-l-Faqar.(Dhou J l-Fiqar)Arabic-languagc weekly expounding ideas of reformist 
Muhammad Abduh (q.v.). 

Ech Chaab.See al-Sha'ab. 

Page 383 

Ech Chihab.See al-Shihab. 

Cooperation.(Hebdo-Cooperation)NQwspdLpQV of the European community (q.v. 
pieds-noirs)\n the immediate postcolonial period which was in print for several years. 

Depeche Algerienne.C onservative newspaper owned by the pied-noir Schiaffino 

Al-Djazair.{L'Algerien) Publication of the Emigration Algerienne en France et en 

El-Djeich. Monthly magazine of the ANP (q.v.). 

Al Djezair al Joum (Youm). Representative of the new freedoms in Algeria's printed 
media, this paper was particularly critical of the High Council of State's (HCS) (q.v.) 
decision to cancel elections and was suspended in August 1992. 

Echo d' Alger .Very conservative newspaper that closed down after the April 1961 
military- settler revolt; its owner was Alain de Serigny, a powerful pied-noir (q.v.). 

Echo d' Ora n. Prominent colonialist newspaper. 

Egalite Newspaper presenting the views of Ferhat Abbas (q.v.) and the Amis du 
Manifeste (q.v. AML). 

LEntente Franco-Musulman. Publication of Muslims who were given the vote during 
the colonial period 

El-Forkane.A French language publication of the FIS (q.v.) begun in January 1991 
and banned in August 1991 

El-Hack.(Al-Haqq)Yo\mg Algerian (q.v.) newspaper of Oran. 

Horizons 2 000. An evening newspaper which began on 1 October 1985 which 
illustrated growing official tolerance toward freedom of the press. 

Al-Hurriya. PCA(q.v. Algerian Communist Party) newspaper suppressed in 1962. 

^/-//z/«^.Newspaper of the anti-reformist Association of Algerian Sunnite Ulama, 

LIkdam. Young Algerian (q.v.) French language newspaper formed in 1919 when two 
earlier papers, L'Islam and Le Rachidi combined; it was also associated with the Emir 
Khaled (q.v.). 

L'Ikdam nord-africain .Publication of the ENA (q.v.). 

Al-Islah . Reformist Muslim journal published in Biskra from 1927 to 1930; 1940. Its 
director was Tayeb Uqbi (q.v.). Though 

Page 384 

poorly funded and appearing irregularly, it encouraged successor journals and 
generally reflected the opinion of the Association of Reformist Ulama (q.v.). 

Lis lam. Small French-language newspaper or newsletter representing Young Algerian 
(q.v.) interests and tolerated by the French authorities even during World War I 
because it supported the French war effort. In 1919, LIslam joined forces with a 
similar publication, Le Rachidi, and became LIkdam. Because of the fairly liberal 
attitude of the French government after the war, LIkdam became a more effective 
voice for Algerian demands. 

^/-Yaza/r.Arabic-language newspaper of the MTLD (q.v.). It published half as many 
copies as LAlgerie libre. 

le Jeune independant .New liberal newspaper. 

la Jeune mediterrannee.Short-livQd periodical founded in May 1937 as a house organ 
for the "Maison de la culture d'Alger (q.v.)," a Communist (q.v. Algerian Communist 
Party [PCA]) discussion group. Albert Camus (q.v.) edited la Jeune Mediterrannee 
shortly before he resigned from the PCA. 

Journal d'Alger. A relatively moderate newspaper owned by the pied-noir (q.v.) 
Blachette family. 

Al-Jumhuriyah. Contemporary Arabic daily published in Oran by the Ministry of 

El-Khabar. Largest contemporary Arabic daily. 
libre Algerie. FFS newspaper. 

la lutte sociale.C ommunist (q.v. Algerian Communist Party [PCA]) newspaper 
published in 1932 and after. It was in French with occasional Arabic translations of 
French articles. 

Al-Maghrib al-arabi. Communist (q.v. Algerian Communist Party [PCA]) publication. 

Al-Man'arMILD (q.v.) publication; also a review advocating the ideas of Muhammad 
Abduh (q.v.). 

El -Mass a. (Al- -Mas a) An evening paper launched on October 1, 1985, demonstrating 
growing official toleration of the press. 

le Matin. Algiers newspaper on the left that was suspended in August 1992 by the 

HCS (q.v.) government. 

Page 385 

El-Moudjahid. The newspaper of the FLN (q.v.); it began publishing in 1956 in Algiers 
and then continued operations from Rabat and in Tunis. 

El-Moundiq. The FIS's (q.v.) newspaper (in Arabic); banned by the government in 
August 1991. 

Al-Muntaqid.(Le Censeur) Weekly publication (Constantine) of Shaykh Abd al-Hamid 
Ben Badis (q.v.). 

Al-Nasr. Arabic daily published in Constantine by the Ministry of Information. 

La Nation. French-language newspaper published in Algiers that was particularly 
accusatory toward the government concerning the death of President Mohamed 
Boudiaf (q.v.). It is close to the FLN (q.v.) and was forced by the HCS (q.v.) 
government to suspend operations in August 1992. 

Le Nouvel Hebdo.A new newspaper that began publication as a result of 
governmental liberalization concerning printed media. 

El-Ouma. French publication of the ENA (q.v.), then the PPA (q.v.). 

Le Peuple. FLN (q.v.) French-language newspaper. 

Al-Raiat al-Hamra. Irregular Communist publication in French and Arabic addressed 
to workers in France. 

La Republique algerienne. The UDMA's (q.v.) weekly French-language newspaper. 
Revolution africa ine. Algiers weekly journal of the FLN (q.v.). 

Revolution a I' Un ivers zf A Pub lie atio n of the UGEMA-UNEA. 

Revolution et 7r«v«//.Publication of the UGTA (q.v.) 

Es-Sahafa. Satirical weekly. 

Al-Sha' ab .Weekly publication of PPA (q.v.) and now an Arabic daily published by the 

Al-Shihab.(Le Meteore) Weekly, then monthly publication of the Association of 
Reformist Ulama (q.v.). 

Le Soir d'Algerie. New independent newspaper. 

La Voix des humbles. Antireformist monthly review (appearing from 1922 to 1933) 

published in Oran and later Constantine by the Association of Teachers of Native 
Algerian Origin (OAIOIA); founded by Rabah Zenati (q.v.). 

Page 386 

La Voix indigene . Later known as La Voix libre , founded by Rabah Zenati (q.v.), it was 
an antireformist Muslim Algerian newspaper published in Constantine from 1929 until 
1940 and from 1946 to 1952. It defended the doctrine of assimilation and was 
associated with Dr. Mohammed Saleh Bendjelloul (q.v.). 

.4/-Rhtf<2ft.Arabic-language newspaper representing the views of the UDMA (q.v.). It 
was quickly forced to cease publication because of financial problems. Now it is a 
politically independent newspaper. 

Page 387 

Foreign Trade (Customs Basis) 

(Millions ofU.S. dollars) (International Bank for Reconstruction/World 


Value of Exports, fob 

Value of Imports, cif 





























































1987 (est.) 




Nonfuel Primary 




























Page 388 

























































1987 (est.) 




Exports and Imports 

(IMF, Direction of Trade Statistics; in millions $US) 

















Industrial nations 








Developing nations 

















































































Industrial nations 








Page 389 

Developing nations 








































































Algerian Dinars per US dollars 
(Annual Average Conversion Factors) 
(IMF, International Financial Statistics ) 













































1989 1990 1991 

7.60 8.95 18.47 

Gross Domestic Product 
(Rounded in Billions of Dinars [DA]) 
(IMF, International Financial Statistics ) 













































Investment as Percent of GDP 
(IMF, International Financial Statistics ) 













































Page 390 

Recent GDP Statistics 
(Compiled by Economist Intelligence Unit, 

Algeria : Country Report, nos. 1; 4 [1992]) 

GDP at current DA {Dinars algeriens ): 

1987 1988 1989 1990 1991 1992* 

305.5 317.0 497.0 735.0 735.0 1.039* 

*December 31, 1992, 22.13 DA=$1.00 

State Investment Plans 

(Adopted Algerie informations, numero hors-serie [July 1982]) 

1967-1969 1970-1973 




1.869 4.140 




5.400 12.400 




1.537 2.307 







1.039 3.310 


Education formation 


1984-1989 Five-Year Plan (selected sectors) 

(Economist Intelligence Unit, Algeria : Country Profile, 1 988- 1 989, citing 

Ministry of Planning) 

DA billions % of total 
Agriculture and hydraulics 79.0 14.4 

Industry 174.2 31.6 

Project implementation 19.0 3.5 

Transport 15.0 2.7 

Economic infrastructure 45.5 8.3 

Social infrastructure 149.5 27.2 

Selected Ministries' Budgetary Allocations 
(Total Budget [in thousands of DA] 65,500,000) 
{Annuaire de I'Afrique du Nord, 1988) 
Thousands of DA 

Presidency of the Republic 



Page 391 

Foreign Affairs 




Religious Affairs 








Higher Education 




Labor and Social Affairs 


Education and Formation 


Public Health 


Veterans (Mujahidin) 


Hydrocarbons Production 

PETROLEUM (rounded in thousand metric tons; UN Industrial Statistics 

1979 1980 1981 

1982 1983 






53.7 47.3 36.9 

33.5 31.3 






NATURAL GAS (rounded 

in bn m 3 ; Economist Intelligence Unit, 

Algeria, citing 

Cedigaz; Financial Times International Gas Report) 







Gross Production 







Marketed Production 







Recent Natural Gas Production Statistics 
(official estimated bn m 3 ) 

(Compiled by Economist Intelligence Unit, 

Algeria : Country Report, nos. 1; 4 [19921) 

1988 1989 1990 

112.6 99.9 106.0 



Page 392 

A Selective Bibliography 

Researchers commencing historical studies of Algeria face several challenges: (1) 
publications have emphasized the modern period, e.g., colonialism, the War of 
Independence, and independent Algeria (which underscores the need for more 
precolonial/ pre-Regency [ancient and medieval] studies); (2) given the intensity of its 
modern history, biases have influenced scholarship; and (3) most of the published 
work is in French (with a slowly growing production in Arabic), which poses both 
language and accessibility problems. This essay emphasizes literature that has been 
published in English but also mentions prominent French contributions (in addition, 
q.v. Literature in Arabic). Its purpose is to provide general rather than comprehensive 
assistance. The reader is also invited to review the bibliography compiled in the first 
edition of the Historical Dictionary of Algeria. 

Abbreviations/acronyms for this bibliography: 

MERIP: Middle East Research & Information Project 
OPU: Office des Publications Universaires 
PUF: Presses Universitaires de France 
SNED: Societe Nationale d'Edition et de Diffusion 

Bibliographical, Biographical, Historiographical, and General Research Sources 

For years Richard Lawless has provided invaluable service to Algerian studies, 
especially as a bibliographer. See A Bibliography of Works on Algeria Published in 
English Since 1954 (Durham, England: University of Durham, 1972); Algeria: Volume 
19 (Oxford, Santa Barbara: Clio Press, 1980); and Algerian 

Page 393 

Bibliography. English Language Publications, 1830-1973 (London, New York: 
Bowker; University of Durham, 1976). A recent work that includes bibliographies of 
bibliographies is Michel Maynadies's Bibliographies algerienne : Repertoire des 
sources documentaires relatives a I Algerie (Algiers: OPU, 1989). Other useful 
bibliographic sources are M. Bouayed, Dix ans de production intellectuelle en Algerie 
(Algiers: Bibliotheque nationale, 1984); and Jean-Claude Vatin, ed., "Elements pour 
une bibliographic d'ensemble sur 1' Algerie d'aujourd'hui," Revue Algerienne des 
sciences juridiques , economiques, et politiques 5 (March 1968): 167-278. The 
Bibliographie d' Algerie (1964- ) produced by Algiers's Bibliotheque Nationale is 
valuable but usually available only in libraries with specialized Arab and / or African 
collections. For earlier works see Robert Lambert Playfair, A Bibliography of Algeria 
from the Expedition of Charles V in 1541 to 1887 (London: Royal Geographical 
Society, Supplementary Papers, part 2), 127-430; and Supplement to the Bibiliography 
of Algeria from the Earliest Times to 1895 (London: Murray, 1898). 

David E. Gardinier furnishes substantial coverage of Algeria in "Decolonization in 
French, Belgian, and Portuguese Africa: A Bibliographical Essay," in Prosser Gifford 
and William Roger Louis, eds., The Transfer of Power in Africa : Decolonization , 
1940-1960 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1982), 515-566; and Gifford and 
Louis, eds., Decolonization and African Independence : The Transfers of Power, 
1960-1980 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1989), 573-635. 

Bibliographies are also found in the Middle East Journal (includes Arabic listings), A 
Current Bibliography on African Affairs, wad African Affairs. The International Index 
Islamicus and International African Bibliography are other important bibliographic 
aids. Though the American Historical Association's Recently Published Articles (ed. 

D. Gardinier) ended publication in 1990, it remains a significant source. The American 
Institute of Maghribi Studies (AIMS) Newsletter offers information on recent research 
and dissertations. 

Page 394 

The Annuaire de I'Afrique du Nord (1962- ) compiled by the Centre de Recherches et 
d'Etudes sur les Societes Mediterraneennes (CRESM) at Aix-en-Provence is the 
outstanding bibliographic tool for political, economic, social, and cultural research. It 
also includes Arabic bibliographies. Th q Annuaire's own articles are also very useful. 
The Documentation Frangaise's publication Maghreb /Maghreb -Machrek { 1964- ) 
includes articles and bibliographic assistance. Grand Maghreb was a short-lived 
(1980-1987) yet excellent source for chronologies, brief articles, book reviews, and 

Three very useful biographical sources are Jean Dejeux, Dictionnaire des auteurs 
maghrebines de langue franqaise (Paris: Karthala, 1984); Benjamin Stora, 
Dictionnaire biographique de Militants nationalisties Algeriens (. E.N.A. , P.P.A., 
M.T.L.D.)(1 926-1 954)(Paris: L'Harmattan, 1985); and Les Elites Algeriennes/2 vols., 
1st ed. (Paris: Ediafric-La Documentation africaine, 1985). Another valuable aid is 
Richard Bulliet, Reeva Simon, and Philip Mattar, eds. The Encyclopedia of the 
Modern Middle East (New York: Macmillan, 1994). See also editions of Who's Who in 
the Arab World. 

English-language newspapers that give Algeria particular coverage include: the 
Christian Science Monitor ,the Financial Times, the New York Times , the Washington 
Post, the Wall Street Journal, and the Boston Globe. Le Monde (Paris) provides 
frequent reports. The Agence France Presse (AFP) publishes the Sahara series, a 
collection of its reports. Algerian journalism has flourished since the 1988 upheaval, 
but publications are often unavailable at American universities except at specialized 
libraries. The more obtainable Saudi Arabian newspaper, al-Sharq al-Awsat (in 
Arabic), often contains reports on Algerian affairs (in particular, see issues in late 
1992-early 1993 for in-depth analyses). The Maghreb Report is a new (1992) 
newsletter which features information on Algeria. 

Magazines and journals that often feature reports or articles on Algeria include The 
Economist, Jeune Afrique, Africa Report ("Update" section), and Middle East Report. 

Page 395 

Additional Sources in English and French 
Africa Contemporary Record. 

Africa Research Bulletin. Series A: Political, Social, and Cultural. Series B: 

Economics, Financial, and Technical. (Provides information compiled primarily from 

Alazard, A. et al. Histoire et historiens de V AlgerieNoX. 4. Collections du Centenaire 
de I'Algerie. Paris: Librairie Felix Alcan, 1931. 

Aldefer, H. F., comp. Bibliography on Algeria .Mng\evs: Documentation Centre, 
African Training and Research Centre in Administration for Development 
(CAFRAD), 1971. 

"The Algerian Literature of France." North British Review ft) (February 1859): 1-21. 
American University Field Staff. Reports. 

Aspects of Agricultural Policy and Rural Development in Africa-North and North- 
East Africa: An Annotated Bibliography. Oxford: Commonwealth Bureau of 
Agricultural Economics, 1971. 

Association France-Algerie. Algerie informations .( Includes documents and excerpts 
and articles from Algerian and French sources.) 

Attal, Robert. "A Bibliography of Publications Concerning North African Jewry." 
Isaiah Sonne Memorial Volume. 

Azzouz , Azzedine and others. Selected Bibliography of Education Materials : Algeria- 
Libya, Morocco-TunisiaAO vols. Tunis: Agence Tunisienne de Public Relations, 1967- 
1976. (Spon- 

Page 396 

sored by the National Science Foundation and the Office of Education [DHEW], 
Washington, D.C.) 

Bibliography on the Maghreb. Tangiers: Documentation Centre, African Training and 
Research Centre in Administration for Development, 1971. 

Blackhurst, Hector (comp.). Africa Bibliography An association with the International 
African Institute (London). Manchester, England: Manchester University Press, 1984-. 

Brett, Michael. "The Colonial Period in the Maghrib and its Aftermath: The Present 
State of Historical Writing." Journal of African History 17, no. 2 (1976): 291-305. 

Brill, E. J., ed. First Encyclopedia of Islam, 1913-36 (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1987). 

Burke, Edmund. "Recent Books on Colonial Algerian History." Middle Eastern 
Studies ,7 (May 1971): 241-250. 

Conover, Helen F., comp. French North Africa ( Algeria , Morocco , Tunis): A 
Bibliographical List. Washington, D.C.: Division of Bibliography, Library of 
Congress, 1942. 

. North and Northeast Africa : A Selected Annotated List of Writings, 1951- 
195 /.Washington, D.C.: Library of Congress, 1957. 

Cooke, James. "The Army at Vincennes: Archives for the Study of North African 
History in the Colonial Period." Muslim World 61 (January 1971): 35-38. 

Dictionary of African Biography, 2d ed. London: Melrose Press, 1971. 

Foreign Broadcast Information Service. Daily Reports. { Near East and South Asia). 
Washington, D.C. 

Page 397 

Gordon, David C. Self-Determination and History in the Third World .Princeton, N.J.: 
Princeton University Press, 1971. 

Halpern, Manfred. "Recent Books on Moslem-French Relations in Algeria." Middle 
East Journal 3 (April 1949): 211-215. 

. "New Perspectives in the Study of North Africa." Journal of Modern African Studies 
3, no. 1 (1965): 103-114. 

Heggoy, Alf Andrew. "Books on the Algerian Revolution in English: Translations and 
Anglo-American Contributions." African Historical Studies 3, no. 1 (1970): 163-168. 

. Historical Dictionary of Algeria .1st ed. Metuchen, N.J.: Scarecrow Press, 1981. 

. "On Oral Sources, Historians and the Fichier de Documentation." African Studies 
Review 14 (April 1971): 113-120. 

. "Some Useful French Depositories for the Study of the Algerian Revolution." 

Muslim World 58 (October 1968): 345-347. 

. "The Sources for Nineteenth Century Algerian History: A Critical Essay." Muslim 
World 54 (October 1964): 292-299. 

. Through Foreign Eyes : Western Attitudes Toward North Africa. Washington, D.C.: 
University Press of America, 1982. 

Historical Abstracts. ABC- CLIO. 

Kupferschmidt, Uri. "The French Foreign Office Records on North Africa and the 
Middle East in Nantes." Middle East Studies Association Bulletin ,23, no. 1 (1989): 9- 

Middle East and North Africa (series). Europa Publications. 

Page 398 

Rivlin, Benjamin. "A Selective Survey of the Literature in the Social Science and 
Related Fields on Modern North Africa." American Political Science Review, ‘ 48 
(September 1954): 826-848. 

Rouina, Karim. Bibliographie raisonnee sur lem ir Abdelkader.Orm : Centre de 
Recherche et d'Information Documentaire en Sciences Sociales etHumaines, 1985. 

Sahli, Mohamed Cherif. Decoloniser I'histoire: Introduction a I his to ire du 
Maghreb. Paris: Maspero, 1965. 

A Selected Functional and Country Bibliography for Near East and North 
Africa. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Department of State, Foreign Service Institute Center 
for Area and Country Studies, 1971. 

United States Joint Publications Research Service. 

Wansbrough, John. "The Decolonization of North African History." Journal of African 
History 9 (Winter 1968): 643-650. 

Prehistory to French Colonialism (Surveys) 

For comparative historical perspectives of Algeria within African history, see J. D. 
Fage, ed., The Cambridge History of Africa, II {from c. 500 to A.D. 1050 (Cambridge: 
Cambridge University Press, 1978), and John E. Flint, ed., The Cambridge History of 
Africa, V (from c. 1790 to c. 1870)(\916) (specific citations below), and UNESCO, 
History of Africa. Regional surveys include Jamil M. Abun-Nasr, History of the 
Maghrib, 2d ed. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1975); Abun-Nasr, A 
History of the Maghrib in the Islamic Period (Cambridge: Cambridge University 
Press, 1987); Abdallah Laroui, The History of the Maghrib : An Interpretive 
Essay, trans. Ralph Manheim (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1977); and 
Charles-Andre Julien (q.v.) (ed. and revised by Roger Le Tourneau), trans. John 

Page 399 

Petrie (ed. C.C. Stewart), History of North Africa : Tunisia , Algeria , Morocco : From 
the Arab Conquest to 1830 (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1970); and Ibn 
Khaldun, The Muqaddimah: An Introduction to History, trans. Franz Rosenthal 
(Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1967). See also Revue dhistoire 

Additional Sources in English and French 

Abun-Nasr, Jamil M. The Tijaniyya : A Sufi Order in the Modern World. Oxford: 
Oxford University Press, 1965. 

Albertini, Eugene. LAfrique romaine.2d ed. Algiers: Imprimerie officielle, 1955. 

Augustine. Confessions. Translated by Henry Chadwick. Oxford: Oxford University 
Press, 1991. 

Barnby, H. G. The Prisoners of Algiers: An Account of thQ Forgotten American- 
Algerian War , 1 785-1 797. London: Oxford University Press, 1966. 

Benabou, Marcel. La Resistance africaine a la romanisation .Paris: Francis Maspero, 

Bontemps, Claude. Manuel des institutions Algeriennes de la domination turque a 
lindependance. Tome premierla domination turque et le regime militaire 1518- 
1870.No\. 1. Paris: Editions Cujas, 1976. 

Bourouiba, Rachid. Les Hammadides. Algiers: PUB, 1982. 

. Ibn Tumart. Algiers: SNED, 1974. 

Bousquet, Georges-Henri. Les Berberes: Histoire et institutions. Paris: PUF, 1961. 

Page 400 

Boyer, Pierre. La vie quotidienne a Alger a la veille de V intervention franqaise. Paris: 
Hachette, 1963. 

Braudel, Fernand. The Mediterranean and the Mediterranean World in the Age of 
Philip //.Translated by Sian Reynolds. 2 vols. London: Collins, 1972; New York: 
Harper & Row, 1972. 

Brett, Michael. "The Arab Conquest and the Rise of Islam in North Africa." In The 
Cambridge History of Africa, II, 490-555. 

Brown, Peter. Augustine of Hippo: A Biography. Berkeley: University of California 
Press, 1969. 

Brunschvig, Robert. La Berberie orientate sous les Hafsides : Des origines a la fin du 
XVe siecle.2 vols. Paris: Librairie d'Amerique et d' Orient, 1940-1947. 

Buck, D. J. "The Role of the State in the Eastern Maghreb, 500 B.C. to 500 A.D." 
Maghreb Review 9, nos. 1-2 (1984): 1-9. 

Casanova, Paul, ed. Histoire des Berberes et des dynasties musulmanes de VAfrique 
SeptentrionaleA vols. Paris: Librairie Orientaliste, 1968-1969. 

Charles-Picard, Gilbert. La civilisation de VAfrique romaine. Paris: Librairie Plon, 


Chouraqui, Andre. Between East and West: A History of the Jews in North 
Africa. Translated by Michael M. Bernet. New York: Atheneum, 1973. 

Clissold, Stephen. The Barb ary Slaves. London: Paul Elek, 1977. 

Courtois, Christian. Les Vandales et VAfrique. Aalen, Federal Republic of Germany: 
Scientia Verlag, 1964. 

Dhina, Attallah. Le Royaume abdelwaddide a Vepoque d'Abdou 

Page 401 

Hammam Moussa 1 er et d'Abou Tachfin 1 er . Algiers: OPU, 1985. 

Diehl, Charles. F Afrique byzantine: Histoire de la domination byzantine en Afrique, 
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Dufourcq, Charles-Emmanuel. LEspagne catalane et l e Maghrib aux XHIe et XlVe 
siecles. Paris: PUF, 1966. 

Esposito, John. Islam : The Straight Path 2d ed. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 

Fisher, Sir Godfrey. Barb ary Legend: War , Trade and Piracy in North Africa , 1415- 
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Frend, W.H.C. The Donatist Church : A Movement of Protest in Roman North 
Africa. London: Oxford University Press, 1952. 

Gaid, Mouloud. L'Algerie sous les Turcs. Algiers: SNED, 1974. 

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Le Tourneau, Roger. The Almohad Movement in North Africa in the Twelfth and 
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Through Foreign Eyes,ed. Alf Heggoy, 7-56. 

Raven, Susan. Rome in Africa. 2d ed. London: Longman, 1984. 

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Social Integration and Control." Research in Economic Anthropology 2 (1979): 91- 

Spencer, William. Algiers in the Age of the Corsa/rs.Norman: University of Oklahoma 
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."Ottoman North Africa." In Nationalism in a Non-National State : The Dissolution oj 
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Thompson, Ann. Barbary and Enlightenment’. European Attitudes toward the 
Maghreb in the 18th Century. Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1987. 

Valensi, Lucette. On the Eve of Colonialism : North Africa Before the French 
Conquest , 1 790-1 830. Translated by Kenneth J. Perkins. New York: Africana 
Publishing Company, 1977. 

Page 404 

Van der Meer, F. Augustine the Bishop : Church and Society at the Dawn of the 
Middle Ages . New York: Harper and Row, 1961. 

Von Sivers, Peter. "Arms and Alms: The Combative Saintliness of the Awlad Sidi 
Shaykh in the Algerian Sahara, 16th to 19th Centuries." Maghreb Review 8, no. 4 
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Wellard, James. The Great Sahara. London: Hutchinson, 1964. 

Wolf, John B. The Barbary Coast : Algiers under the Turks , 1 500-1 830.Ngw York: W. 
W. Norton, 1979. 

Zerouki, Brahim. L 'Imamat de Tahart: Premier etat musulman du Maghreb (144/296 
A.H.). Histoire politico-socio-religieuse. Paris: L'Harmattan, 1987. 

French Colonialism and the War of Independence 

Three prominent works on French colonialism that also provide comprehensive 
bibliographies are: Charles-Andre Julien (q.v.), Histoire de lAlgerie contemporaine: 
La Conquete et les debuts de la colonisation (1827-1 871), vol. 1 (Paris: PUF, 1964); 
Charles-Robert Ageron, Histoire de lAlgerie contemporaine : De l' insurrection de 
1871 au declenchement de la Guerre de Liberation (1954), vol. 2 (Paris: PUF, 1979); 
and Jean-Claude Vatin, LAlgerie politique : Histoire et societe (Paris: PUF, 1983). 
There are no works in English matching the scholarly magnitude of these works. 
Nevertheless, an important recent addition is John Ruedy, Modern Algeria : The 
Origins and Development of a Nation (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1992). 
This is a well-written synthesis that concentrates on colonial Algeria (with one chapter 
on the Regency and another on postcolonial Algeria). 

Prominent specialized studies in the history of French colonialism include: Raphael 
Danzinger, Abd al-Qadir and the Algerians’. Resistance to the French and Internal 
Consolidation (New York: 

Page 405 

Holmes & Meier, 1977); John D. Ruedy, Land Policy in Colonial Algeria : The Origins 
of the Rural Public Domain (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1967); Vincent 
Confer, France and Algeria: The Problem of Civil and Political Reform , 1870-1920 
(Syracuse, N.Y.: Syracuse University Press, 1966); David Prochaska, Making Algeria 
French : Colonialism in Bone , 1870-1920 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1990); 
Marnia Lazreg, The Emergence of Classes in Algeria : A Study of Colonialism and 
Socio-Political Change (Boulder, Colo.: Westview Press, 1976); and Tony Smith, The 
French Stake in Algeria , 1945-1962 (Cornell, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1980). 
Jacques Goutor's, Algeria and France , 1830-1963 (Muncie, Indiana: Ball State 
University Press, 1965) is a brief but useful survey for those beginning modern 
Algerian studies. 

As for the War of Liberation, Alistair Horne, A Savage War of Peace : Algeria , 1954- 
1962 (London: Penguin, 1977, 1987) is a popular history that captures the 
psychological drama of the war. The second edition includes additions and 
corrections. The book is particularly valuable for its interviews with participants. See 
also John Talbott, The War Without a Name : France in Algeria , 1954-1962 (New 
York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1980); Martha Crenshaw Hutchinson, Revolutionary 
Terrorism : The FLN in Algeria , 19541962 (Stanford University: Hoover Institute 
Press, 1978); Richard and Joan Brace, Ordeal in Algeria (New York: D. Van Nostrand, 
1960); and Alf Andrew Heggoy, Insurgency and Counterinsurgency in Algeria 
(Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1972). 

Yves Courriere, La Guerre de l'Algerie,4 vols. (Paris: Fayard, 1968-1971) is a 
monumental work that includes interviews with Belkacem Krim (q.v.). Other 
important publications among the massive number of works on the war include Henri 
Alleg and others, La guerre d'Algerief vols. (Paris: Temps Actuel, 1981); Bernard 
Droz and Evelyne Lever, Histoire de la Guerre de I'Algerie, 1954-1962 (Paris: Seuil, 
1982); Slimane Chikh, FAlgerie en armes : Ou le temps des certitudes (Paris: 
Economica, 1981); Mohammed Harbi, Les archives de la Revolution Algerienne 
(Paris: Editions Jeune Afrique, 1980); and Le FLN, mirages et realites: Des origines a 
la prise du pouvoir ( 1945 - 

Page 406 

7962)(Paris: Editions Jeune Afrique, 1980). Germaine Tillion's concise contributions 
represent those of a very close observer of the Algerian War of Independence; see 
Algeria : The Realities, trans. Ronald Matthews (New York: Knopf, 1958); and France 
and Algeria : Complementary Enemies, trans. Richard Howard (New York: Knopf, 

Finally, the works of Frantz Fanon (q.v.), including A Dying Colonialism,trm\s. 
Haakon Chevalier (New York: Grove Press, 1967); Toward the African Revolution 
( Political Essays), trans. Haakon Chevalier (New York: Grove Press, 1969); and The 
Wretched of the Earth, trans. Constance Farrington (New York: Grove Press, 1968), 
examine the effect of the liberation struggle upon the consciousness of the colonized. 
Irene Gendzier, Frantz Fanon. A Critical Study, 2d ed. (New York: Grove Press, 1985) 
provides the best biography and analysis of this remarkable ideologue. 

Additional Sources in English 

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Ageron, Charles-Robert. Modern Algeria : A History from 1830 to the 
Present. Translated by Michael Brett. Trenton, N.J.: Africa World Press, 1991. 

Alleg, Henri. The Question. Translated by John Calder. Fondon: Calder, 1958. 

Alwan, Mohamed. Algeria Before the United Nations New York: Robert Speller, 


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Bedjaoui, Mohammed. Law and the Algerian Revolution. Brussels: International 
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Behr, Edward. The Algerian Problem . Harmondsworth, England: Penguin Books, 


Berque, Jacques. French North Africa : The Maghrib Between Two World 
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Bocca, Geoffrey. The Secret Army. Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall, 1968. 

Bookmiller, Robert. "The Algerian War of Words: Broadcasting and Revolution, 1954- 
62." Maghreb Review 14, nos. 3-4 (1989): 196-213. 

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Caute, David. Frantz Fanon. New York: Viking Press, 1970. 

Christelow, Allan. "Algerian Islam in a Time of Transition: c. 1890-c. 1930." Maghreb 
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Muslim Law Courts and the French Colonial State in Algeria. Princeton: Princeton 
University Press, 1985. 

." Oral, Manuscript, and Printed Expressions of Historical Consciousness in Colonial 
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Clark, Michael K. Algeria in Turmoil : A History of the Rebellion. New York: Frederick 
A. Praeger, 1959. 

Colonna, Fanny. "Cultural Resistance and Religious Legitimacy in Colonial Algeria." 
Economy and Society 3 (1974): 233-263. 

Cooke, James J. "The Colonial Origins of Colon and Muslim Nationalism in 
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."Eugene Etienne and the Failure of Assimilation in Algeria." Africa Quarterly 9 
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. "The Maghrib Through French Eyes: 1880-1929." In Through Foreign Eyes,ed. Alf 
A. Heggoy, 57-92. 

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Islamic Studies 29, no. 1 (1990): 57-75. 

De Beauvoir, Simone and Gisele Halimi. Djamila Boupacha: The Story of the Torture 
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Lughod and Abu-Laban, 73-80. 

Firestone, Ya'akov. "The Doctrine of Integration with France among the Europeans of 
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Fitzgerald, E. Peter. "An Application of the Robinson Theory of Collaboration to 
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Dominance in the 1920's." Proceedings of the French Colonial Historical Society 
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."Civil Authority, Local Governments, and Native Administration in Colonial Algeria, 
1834-1870." French Colonial Studies 2 (1978): 23-48. 

."The District Commissioner of Colonial Algeria, 1875-1939." Proceedings of the 
French Colonial Historical Society (1978): 163-177. 

Gendzier, Irene L. "Psychology and Colonialism: Some Observations." Middle East 
Journal 30 (Autumn 1976): 501-515. 

Gillespie, Joan. Algeria : Rebellion and Revolution. New York: Praeger, 1960. 

Gordon, David C. North Africa's French Legacy , 1 954-1 962. Cambridge, Mass.: 
Harvard University Press, 1962. 

Harrison, Alexander. Challenging de Gaulle: The OAS and the Counter Revolution in 
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Hart, Ursula Kingsmill. Two Ladies of Colonial Algeria. Athens, Ohio: Ohio University 
Center for International Studies, 1987. 

Heggoy, Alf Andrew. "Development or Control: French Policies in Colonial and 
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. The French Conquest of Algiers, 1830 : An Oral Tradition. Athens, Ohio: Ohio 
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. "The Origins of Algerian Nationalism in the Colony and in France." Muslim World 
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D.C.: University Press of America, 1982. 

Heggoy, Alf A. and Paul J. Zingg. "French Education in Revolutionary North Africa." 
International Journal of Middle East Studies 1 (1976): 571-578. 

Hennissart, Paul. Wolves in the City. The Death of French Algeria. New York: Simon 
and Schuster, 1970. 

Honisch, Ludmilla. "The Denunciation of Mysticism as a Bulwark against Reason: A 
Contribution to the Expansion of Algerian Reformism, 1925-1939." Maghreb Review 
11, nos. 5-6 (1986): 102-106. 

Howe, George F. United States Army in World War lithe Mediterranean Theater of 
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of the Army, 1957. 

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Joesten, Joachim. The Red Hand : The Sinister Account of the Terrorist Arm of the 
French Right-Wing "Ultras"in Algeria and on the Continent .New York: Abelard 
Schuman, 1962. 

Kabak, Annette. Isabelle : The Life of Isabelle Eberh ardt .New York: Knopf, 1989. 

Knight, M. M. "The Algerian Revolt: Some Underlying Factors." Middle East Journal 
10 (Autumn 1956): 355-367. 

Kraft, Joseph. "Settler Politics in Algeria." Foreign Affairs 39 (July 1961): 591-600. 

Lazreg, Marnia. The Emergence of Social Classes in Algeria : A Study of Colonialism 
and Socio-Political Change. Boulder, Colo.: Westview, 1976. 

Leulliette, Pierre. St. Michael and the Dragon: A Paratrooper in the Algerian 
War. Translated by Tony White. London: Heinemann, 1964. 

Lottman, Herbert R. Albert Camus : A Biography. Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday, 1979. 

Maran, Rita. Torture : The Role of Ideology in the French- Algerian JFhr.New York: 
Praeger, 1989. 

Naylor, Phillip C. "Abd el-Kader," The International Military Encyclopedia 
(Academic International Press, 1992): 62-66. 

O'Ballance, Edgar. The Algerian Insurrection , 1954-62. London: Faber & Faber, 1967. 

O'Brien, Conor Cruise. Albert Camus of Europe and Africa. New York: Viking Press, 

Perinbam, Marie. "Fanon and the Revolutionary Peasantry: The 

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Algerian Case." Journal of Modern African Studies 11, no. 3 (1973): 427-445. 

Perkins, Kenneth J. "The Bureaux Arab es and the C<9/ofts:Administrative Conflict in 
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. Qaids, Captains , and Colons .New York: Africana, 1981. 

. "Pressure and Persuasion in the Policies of the French Military in Colonial North 
Africa." Military Affairs 40 (April 1976): 74-78. 

Pickles, Dorothy. Algeria and France : From Colonialism to Cooperation . New York: 
Praeger, 1963. 

Porch, Douglas. Conquest of the Sahara. New York: Knopf, 1984. 

. The French Foreign Legion : A Complete History of the Legendary Fighting 
Force. New York: Harper Collins, 1991. 

Prochaska, David. "Approaches to the Economy of Colonial Annaba, 1870-1920." 
Africa 60, no. 4 (1990): 497-523. 

. "The Archives of Algerie imaginaire ." History and Anthropology 4, no. 2 (1990): 

Redouane, Joelle. "British Trade with Algeria in the 19th Century: An Ally against 
France?" Maghreb Review, 13, nos. 3-4 (1988): 175-182. 

Roy, Jules. The War in Algeria. Tran slated by Richard Howard. Westport, Conn.: 
Greenwood Press, 1975. 

Saadallah, Belkacem. "The Algerian Ulemas, 1919-1931." Revue d'histoire 
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. "The Rise of the Algerian Elite, 1900-1914." Journal of Modern African Studies 5 
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Sellin, Eric. "Alienation and Intellectual Invisibility of Algerian Nationals: The Writer's 
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Shaler, William. Sketches of Algiers’. Political , Historical , and Civil. Boston: 
Cummings, Hiliard and Company, 1826. 

Sivan, Emanuel. "Colonialism and Popular Culture in Algeria." Journal of 
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. "L'Etoile Nord-Africaine and the Genesis of Algerian Nationalism." Maghreb Review 
3 (January- April 1978): 17-22. 

Smith, Julia Clancy. "In the Eye of the Beholder: Sufi and Saint in North Africa and 
the Colonial Production of Knowledge, 1830-1900." Africana Journal, 15 (1990): 220- 

Smith, Tony. "The French Colonial Consensus and Peoples' War, 1946-1958." Journal 
of Contemporary History 9(October 1974): 217-247. 

. "The French Economic Stake in Colonial Algeria." French Historical Studies 9, no. 

1 (Spring 1975): 184-189. 

Stevens, Mary Anne, ed. The Orientalists; Delacroix to Matisse : European Painters 
in North Africa and the Near East. London: Royal Academy of Arts, 1984. 

Sullivan, Antony Thrall. Thomas-Robert Bugeaud, France and Algeria, 1 784-1849 : 
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Sutton, Keith. "Population ResettlementTraumatic Upheavals and the Algerian 
Experience." Journal of Modern African Studies 15 (June 1977): 279-300. 

Talbott, John. "French Public Opinion and the Algerian War: A Research Note." 
French Historical Studies 9 (Fall 1975): 69-86. 

."The Myth and Reality of the Paratrooper in the Algerian War." Armed Forces and 
Society 3, no. 1 (Fall 1976): 69-86. 

."The Strange Death of Maurice Audin." Virginia Quarterly Review 52 (1976), 224- 

."Terrorism and the Liberal Dilemma: The Case of the 'Battle of Algiers.' " 
Contemporary French Civilization 2 (Winter 1978): 177-190. 

El Tayeb, Salah El Din El Zein. "The Europeanized Algerians and the Emancipation of 
Algeria." Middle Eastern Studies 22, no. 2 (1986): 206-235. 

."The 'Ulama and Islamic Renaissance in Algeria." American Journal of Islamic 
Social Sciences 6, no. 2 (1989): 257-288. 

Thomas, Ann. "Arguments for the Conquest of Algiers in the Late 18th and Early 19th 
Centuries." Maghreb Review 14, nos. 1-2 (1989): 108-118. 

Van Dyke, Stuart. "Response to Rebellion: The Algerian French and the February 6, 
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Von Sivers, Peter. "Insurrection and Accommodation: Indigenous Leadership in 
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tional Journal of Middle East Studies 6 (July 1975): 259-275. 

. "The Realm of Justice: Apocalyptic Revolts in Algeria (1849-1879)." Humaniora 
Islamica 1 (1973): 47-60. 

Yacine, Kateb (Yacine Kateb). Nedjma\ A TVow/. Translated by Richard Howard. New 
York: Braziller, 1961. 

Additional Sources in French 

Abbas, Ferhat. Autopsie dune guerre. Paris: Gamier, 1980. 

. Guerre et revolution d'Algerie : La nuit coloniale. Paris: Julliard, 1962. 

Ageron, Charles-Robert. «Algerie Algerienne» de Napoleon III a de Gaulle. Paris: 
Sindbad, 1980. 

. Les Algeriens musulmans et la France (187 1-1919)2 vols. Paris: PUF, 1968. 
Ainad-Tabet, Radouane. Le mouvement du 8 mai 1945 en Algerie. Algiers: OPU, 1985. 
Ait Ahmed, Hocine. La guerre et lapres guerre. Paris: Minuit, 1964. 

Azan, Paul. Conquete et pacification de V Algerie. Paris: Librairie de France, 1931. 

Ben Khedda, Benyoucef. Les accords dEvian. Algiers/Paris: OPU-Publisud, 1986. 
Boualam, Said (Bachaga). Les Harkis au service de la France. Paris: France-Empire, 


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. Mon pays . .. la France! Paris: France-Empire, 1962. 

Boudiaf, Mohamed. La preparation du 1 er novembre. Suivi dune lettre ouverte aux 
Algeriens. Paris: Collection El Jarida, 1976. 

Challe, Maurice. Notre revolte. Paris: Presses de la Cite, 1968. 

Collot, Claude and Jean-Robert Henry, eds. Le mouvement national Algerien : Textes, 
1912-54. Paris: L'Harmattan, 1978. 

Duchemin, Jacques C. Histoire du F.L.N.. Paris: Table Ronde, 1962. 

Etienne, Bruno. Les problemes juridiques des minorites europeennes au 
Maghreb. Paris : Editions du Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique, 1968. 

Favrod, Charles-Henri. LeF.L.N. et VAlgerie. Paris: Plon, 1962. 

Gallissot, Rene. "Abdel Kader et la nationality Algerienne: Interpretation de la chute 
de la Regence d Alger et des premieres resistances a la conquete franchise (1830- 
1839)." Revue historique 2 (1965): 339-368. 

Gendarme, Rene. L'economie de VAlgerie : Sous-developpement et politique de 
cro is sance. Paris: Armand Colin, 1959. 

Hadj, Messali. Les memoires de Messali Hadj, 1 898-1 938. Edited by Renaud de 
Rochebrun. Paris: Lattes, 1982. 

Helie, Jerome. Les Accords d'Evian: Histoire secrete de la paix en Algerie. Paris: 
Orban, 1992. 

Jeanson, Francis. La Revolution Algerienne : Problemes et perspectives. Milan: 
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Jouhaud, Edmond. Ce que je n ' ai pas dit. Paris: Fayard, 1977. 

Julien, Charles-Andre. L'Afrique du Nord en marche : Nationalismes musulmans et 
souverainete franqaise. Paris: Rene Julliard, 1972. 

Kaddache, Mahfoud. Histoire du nationalisme Algerien: Question nationale et 
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Leconte, Daniel. Les pieds-noirs : Histoire et portrait dune communaute. Paris: Seuil, 

Le Tourneau, Roger. Evolution politique de TAfrique du Nord musulmane, 1920- 

1961. Paris: Librairie Armand Colin, 1962. 

Mahsas, Ahmed. Le mouvement revolutionnaire en Algerie: De la Ire Guerre 
mondiale a 1954. Paris: L'Harmattan, 1979. 

Mameri, Khalfa. Abane Ramdane. Paris: L'Harmattan, 1988. 

Mandouze, Andre, ed. La Revolution Algerienne par les textes. Paris: Maspero, 1961. 
Massu, Jacques. La vraie bataille d Alger. Paris: Plon, 1971. 

Mercier, Gustave, ed. Le centenaire de V Algerie: Expose d ensemble. 2 vols. Algiers: 
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Nouschi, Andre. La naissance du nationalism Algerien. Paris: Editions de Minuit, 


Soustelle, Jacques. Aimee et souffrante Algerie.? arte: Plon, 1956. 

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Stora, Benjamin. Messali Hadj ( 1898-1974 ): Pionnier du nationalisme 
Algerien. Paris: L'Harmattan, 1986. 

. Les sources du nationalisme Algerien: Parcours ideologiques; origines des 
acteurs. Paris: L'Harmattan, 1989. 

Turin, Yvonne. Affrontements culturels dans lAlgerie coloniale: Ecoles, medecines, 
religion , 1830-1880. Paris: Frangois Maspero, 1971. 

Viollette, Maurice. LAlgerie vivra-t-elle? Notes dun ancien gouverneur 
general. Paris: Librairie Felix Alcan, 1931. 

Surveys of Postcolonial Algeria 

David C. Gordon's The Passing of French Algeria (London: Oxford University Press, 
1966) is a well-integrated political, socioeconomic, and cultural survey that 
particularly describes the immediate difficulties in the transition from colonialism to 
independence. Arslan Humbaraci expresses his disillusionment (primarily ideological) 
concerning the course of newly independent Algeria in Algeria: A Revolution that 
Failed (London: Pall Mall, 1966). David and Marina Ottaway's Algeria: The Politics 
of a Socialist Revolution (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1970) surveys the 
Ben Bella-early Boumedienne periods. John P. Entelis complements these works with 
his timely study emphasizing the Benjedid period in Algeria: The Revolution 
Institutionalized (Boulder, Colo.: Westview Press, 1986). 

Significant surveys in French include: Bernard Cubertafond, La Republique 
Algerienne (Paris: PUF, 1979); Jean Leca and Jean-Claude Vatin, Algerie: Politique , 
institutions et regime (Paris: Presses de la Fondation Nationale des Sciences 
Politiques, 1975); Bruno Etienne, Algerie: Cultures et revolution (Paris: Seuil, 1977); 
Paul Balta and Claudine Rulleau, LAlgerie des Algeriens (Paris: Editions Ouvrieres, 
1981); Mohamed Dahmani, Algerie: Legitimite historique et continuity politique 

Page 419 

Editions Le Sycomore, 1979); and Yves Gauthier and Joel Kermarec, Naissance et 
croissance de la Republique Algerienne democratique et populaire (Paris: Editions 
Marketing, 1978). 

Richard B. Parker includes important sections on Algeria in his concise comparative 
survey North Africa : Regional Tensions and Strategic Concerns (New York: Praeger, 
1984, 1987). See also Clement Henry Moore, Politics in North Africa : Algeria , 
Morocco , and Tunisia (Boston: Little, Brown, 1970); Richard F. Nyrop and others, 
Area Handbook for Algeria ,DAP am 550-44, 2d ed. (Washington, D.C.: U.S. 
Government Printing Office, 1972); Harold D. Nelson, ed., Algeria : A Country 
Study, DA Pam 550-44, (Washington: GPO for Foreign Area Studies, The American 
University, 3d ed., 1979; 4th ed., 1986). 

Algerian Government Publications 

The Ministry of Information (and Culture) has published many works in English. 
Collectively, they present a positive, progressive national image. See The Algerian 
Revolution : Facts and Prospects ( 10th Anniversary of Independence)(A\g\Qvs, 1972) 
and especially the series entitled The Faces of Algeria (Algiers, 1970-1977), which 
examines different sectors including: public works, self-management, youth and 
sports, agricultural development, the Agrarian Revolution, trade policy, socialist 
organization of enterprises, education, hydrocarbons, and state-planning. These 
specific works relate directly to President Boumedienne's "state-building" policies. 

The speeches of the presidents (in French) are also published under the general rubric 
of Ministry of Information («Orientation nationale» under Ben Bella; Information and 
Culture under Boumedienne). 

SONATRACHS "White Books" (Algiers, 1972) on the development of its 
hydrocarbon policy, and specifically, the French- Algerian relationship were printed in 
English. See: The Algerian Oil Policy : Events , Studies , Declarations , 1965-1969, vol. 
1; The Algerian Oil Policy : Events Studies Declarations, 

Page 420 

1970-1 972, vol. 2; The Algerian Oil Policy : President Houari Boumedienne's 
Speeches ( 1965-1972 ); Background Information on the Relationship Between Algeria 
and the French Oil Companies', Hydrocarbons in Algeria : 1971 Agreements . 

Political Topics 

The Algerian elite has received particular attention. William B. Quandt, Revolution 
and Political Leadership: Algeria 1954-1968 (Cambridge: MIT, 1969) represents one 
of the best works on Third World elite development. Henry F. Jackson contends that 
party development ended with Boumedienne's arrival to power in The FLN in Algeria : 
Party Development in a Revolutionary Society (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 
1977). See also William H. Lewis, "The Decline of Algeria's FLN, " Middle East 
Journal 20 (Spring 1966): 161-172; John Entelis, "Elite Political Culture and 
Socialization in Algeria: Tensions and Discontinuities," Middle East Journal 35 
(Spring 1981): 191-208; I. William Zartman, "L'Elite Algerienne sous la presidence de 
Chadli Benjedid," Maghreb -Machrek, no. 106 (1984): 37-53; and Robert A. Mortimer, 
"The Politics of Reassurance in Algeria," Current History 84 (May 1985): 201-204, 

The definition of Algeria's political culture was highlighted by the National Charter of 
1976 (subsequently "enriched" in 1986). See John Nellis, The Algerian National 
Charter of 1976 : Content , Public Reaction , and Significance (Washington, D.C.: 
Center for Contemporary Arab Studies, Georgetown University Press, 1980); and 
Nicole Grimaud, "La Charte Nationale Algerienne (27 juin 1976," Notes et etudes 
documentaires){Doc\xmQntdit\on fran9aise), no. 4349-4350 (December 28, 1976); and 
Mostefa Lacheraf, FAlgerie: Nation et societe (Algiers: SNED, 1978). 

Any researcher in Algerian foreign policy will appreciate the contributions produced 
by Robert A. Mortimer. See, for example, "The Algerian Revolution in Search of the 
African Revolution," Journal of Modern African Studies 8 (October 1970): 363-387; 
"Algeria and the Politics of International Economic Reform," 

Page 42 1 

Orbis 21 (Fall 1977): 671-700; "Global Economy and African Foreign Policy: The 
Algerian Model," African Studies Review 27 (March 1984): 1-24; "Maghreb Matters," 
Foreign Policy, no. 76 (1989): 160-175; and "Algerian Foreign Policy in Transition," in 
John P Entelis and Phillip C. Naylor, eds., State and Society in Algeria, 241-266. See 
also John P Entelis, "Algeria in World Politics: Foreign Policy Orientation and the 
New International Economic Order," American-Arab Affairs 6 (Fall 1983): 70-78; and 
Assassi Lassassi, Non-Alignment and Algerian Foreign Policy (Aldershot, 1988). 

Nicole Grimaud has often contributed her foreign policy analyses in 
Magh reb/M agh reb - Ma ch rek. Her major work La Politique exterieure de lAlgerie 
(Paris, 1984) surveys the development of Algerian foreign policy. She contends that 
Algeria's most innovative initiatives concerned North-South relations (e.g., the "new 
economic order"). 

Among the works of specific foreign relationships, see Inga Branded, Les rapports 
franco-Algeriens depuis 1962\ Du petrole et des hommes (Paris: L'Harmattan, 1981); 
and Jean Offredo, Algerie : Avec ou sans la France (Paris: Cerf, 1973). Benjamin Stora 
examines historical memory (and amnesia) concerning the Algerian War of 
Independence and its influence on the postcolonial bilateral relationship in La 
gangrene et Voubli: La memoire des annees Algeriennes (Paris: La Decouverte, 1991). 
The war in the Western Sahara has played a crucial role in regional policy. The 
Algerian dimension is included in Tony Hodges, Western Sahara : The Roots of a 
Desert War (Westport, Conn.: Lawrence Hill, 1983); John Damis, Conflict in 
Northwest Africa: The Western Sahara Dispute (Stanford: Hoover Institute Press, 
1983); Maurice Barbier, Le Conflit du Sahara occidental (Paris: Harmattan, 1982); and 
Yahia H. Zoubir and Daniel Volman, eds., Lnternational Dimensions of the Western 
Sahara Conflict (Westport, Conn.: Praeger, 1993). 

There are few specific works on Algerian leaders. Robert Merle compiled interview 
tapes of Ben Bella in Ahmed Ben Bella, trans. Camilla Sykes (New York: Walker and 
Company, 1967); and Ania Francos and Jean-Pierre Sereni, Un Algerien nomme 

Page 422 

Boumediene (Paris: Stock, 1976), are both complimentary rather than critical. 

For analyses concerning the causes and consequences of the October 1988 popular 
revolt, see John P. Entelis, "Algeria under Chadli: Liberalization without 
Democratization or, Peres troika, Yes; Glasnost, No!" Middle East Insight 6 (Fall 1988): 
47-64; Robert A. Mortimer, "Algeria after the Explosion," Current History 89 (April 
1990): 161-168; 180-182; Khalid Duran, "The Second Battle of Algiers," Orbis 33 
(Summer 1989): 403-421; Nab eel Abraham, "Algeria's Facade of Democracy: An 
Interview with Mahfoud Bennoune," Middle East Report 20, no. 163 (March- April 
1990): 9-13; and Rachid Tlem9ani, "Chadli's Perestroika," 14-18; Arun Kapil, 

"Algeria's Elections Show Islamist Strength," Middle East Report 20, no. 166 
(SeptemberOctober 1990): 31-36; and Alfred Hermida, "Democracy Derailed," Africa 
Report 37, no. 2 (March- April 1992): 13-17. See also chapters listed below by John P. 
Entelis, Bradford Dillman, Lynette Rummel, and Boutheina Cheriet (under Social and 
Cultural Topics) in Entelis and Naylor, eds., State and Society in Algeria. 

Economic Topics 

There have been many significant contributions concerning economic affairs. 
Mahfoud Bennoune's The Making of Contemporary Algeria, 1830-1987 (Cambridge: 
Cambridge University Press, 1988) is an economic survey of Algerian development. 
Unlike many others who now see the need for relegating the second sector, Bennoune 
claims that this direction is correct but must be complemented by greater 
democratization. See also M. E. Benissad, Economie du developpement de l' Alger ie: 
Sous-developpement et socialisme, 1962-1982 (Paris: Economica, 1982); and 
Benaouda Hamel, Systeme productif Algerien et independance nationale (Algiers: 
OPU, 1983). 

As for the first sector, see Ian Clegg's Workers' Self-Management in Algeria (New 
York: Monthly Review Press, 

Page 423 

1971) concerning the autogestion initiative and its subsequent bureaucratization. 
Slimane Bedrani's L' Agriculture Algerienne depuis 1966 : Etatisation ou 
privatisation? (Algiers: OPU, 1981) is a critical survey of the sector's development as 
is Karen Pfeifer, Agrarian Reform Under State Capitalism in Algeria (Boulder, Colo.: 
Westview, 1985). See also Tony Smith, "Political and Economic Ambitions of Algerian 
Land Reform, 1962-1974," Middle East Journal 29 (Summer 1975): 259-278; Peter 
Knauss, "Algeria's 'Agrarian Revolution': Peasant Control or Control of Peasants?" 
African Studies Review 20 (December 1977): 65-78; and Nico Kielstra, "Algeria's 
Agrarian Revolution," MERIP Reports, no. 61 (1978): 3-11. Will D. Swearingen 
examines the alimentary crisis in "Agricultural Policies and the Growing Food 
Security Crisis," in John P. Entelis and Phillip C. Naylor, eds., State and Society in 
Algeria, 117 -150. 

The second sector was epitomized by the idea of "industrializing industries." The man 
asssociated with this model of development is Professor Gerard Destanne de Bernis. 
For example, see his "Le Plan quadriennal de developpement de l'Algerie 1970-73," 
Problemes economiques (Documentation franchise) no. 1.203 (1971): 19-25. The 
development of national companies is considered critical by Karen Farsoun in "State 
Capitalism in Algeria," MERIP Reports, no. 35 (1975), 3-30. See also Richard I. 
Lawless, "Algeria: The Contradictions of Rapid Industrialization," in North Africa : 
Contemporary Politics and Economic Development ,ed. Richard Lawless and Allan 
Findlay, 153-190. Algeria's most significant postcolonial economic decolonization 
concerned hydrocarbons. See Nicole Grimaud, "Le conflit petrolier franco- Algerien," 
Revue franqaise de science politique 22 (December 1972): 1276-1307. 

John C. Pawera's Algeria's Infrastructure : An Economic Survey of Transportation, 
Communication, and Energy Resources (New York: Praeger, 1964) is a useful work to 
start with when examining Algeria's postcolonial third-sector development. 

John R. Nellis studies the difficulties in applying ideology to economic matters in 
"Socialist Management in Algeria," Journal of Modern African Studies 15 (December 
1977): 529-554; 

Page 424 

"Maladministration: Causes or Result of Underdevelopment? The Algerian Example," 
Canadian Journal of African Studies 13 (1980): 407-422; and "Algerian Socialism and 
Its Critics," Canadian Journal of Political Science 13 (September 1980): 481-587. See 
also Francis Ghiles, "Chadli's Pragmatic Economics," Africa Report 29 (November- 
December 1984): 10-13. 

The Middle East Economic Digest and the Economist Intelligence Unit's Quarterly 
Economic Report/Country Study provide updated information. 

Social and Cultural Topics 

Pierre Bourdieu's The Algerians (Boston: Beacon Press, 1962) remains an important 
work as well as the aforementioned analyses of Frantz Fanon. Peter R. Knauss 
examines the effect of "Liberation" upon gender relations in The Persistence of 
Patriarchy. Class , Gender , and Ideology in Twentieth Century Algeria (New York: 
Praeger, 1987). See also Boutheina Cheriet, "Islamism and Feminism: Algeria's 'Rites 
of Passage' to Democracy," in John P. Entelis and Phillip C. Naylor, eds., State and 
Society in Algeria, 17 1-216. See also the first number of a new publication entitled the 
Journal of Maghrebi Studies (Cambridge, Mass.), 1-2 (Spring 1993) ( Special Issue : 
Maghreni Women), which includes a variety of articles on Algerian women. 

The increasingly important role of Islam is considered by Jean-Claude Vatin, "Popular 
Puritanism versus State Reformism: Islam in Algeria," in James P. Piscatori, ed., Islam 
in the Political Process (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983), 98121; Hugh 
Roberts, "Radical Islam and the Dilemma of Algerian Nationalism: The Embattled 
Arians of Algiers," Third World Quarterly 10, no. 2 (April 1988): 556-589; Robert 
Mortimer, "Islam and Multiparty Politics in Algeria," Middle East Journal 45, no. 4 
(Autumn 1991): 575-593; and Ahmed Rouadjia, Les freres et la mosquee : Enquete sur 
le mouvement islamiste en Algerie (Paris: Editions Karthala, 1990). 

Emigrant labor is a pressing issue. Among the many works on 

Page 425 

this subject are Mahfoud Bennoune, "Maghrib in Workers in France," MERIP 
Reports, no. 34 (1974): 1-12, 30; (Bennoune's dissertation especially describes the 
relationship between Algeria's government and the emigrant community ["Impact of 
Colonialism and Migration of an Algerian Peasant Community: A Study of Socio- 
economic Change," University of Michigan, 1976]); Tayeb Belloula, Les Algeriens en 
France (Algiers: Editions Nationales Algeriennes, 1965); and Malek Ath-Messaoud 
and Alain Gillette, Elmmigration Algerienne en France (Paris: Editions Entente, 

1976); and Benjamin Stora, Ils venaient d'Algerie: F immigration Algerienne en 
France, 1912-1992 (Paris: Fayard, 1992). The "second generation" is examined by 
Abdelkader Chaker, La jeunesse Algerienne en France : Elements delude de 
2 emigration familiale (Algiers: SNED, 1977); Martine Chariot and others, Des jeunes 
Algeriens en France : Leurs voix et les notres (Paris: Editions CIEM, 1981); and 
Herve-Frederic Mecheri, Les jeunes immigres maghrebins de la deuxieme generation: 
La Quete de I'identite (Paris: L'Harmattan, 1984). The prospects of "reinsertion," or 
the return of emigrants to Algeria, is particularly studied by Mohamed Khandriche, 
Developpment et reinsertion : Fexemple de /' emigration Algerienne (Paris: Editions 
Publisud, 1982); and Belkcem Hifi, F Immigration Algerienne en France : Origines et 
perspectives de non-retour (Paris: L'Harmattan, 1985). See also the special issue 
"L'lmmigration maghrebine en France: Les faits et les mythes," Les Temps 
modernes, 40 (March- April-May 1984). Hommes et Migrations is a journal that 
chronicles and studies emigration and immigration and is particularly useful 
concerning the Algerian community. 

Arabization viewed as the instrument that would recover an authentic national identity 
has posed problems in postcolonial Algeria. Gilbert Grandguillaume's Arabisation et 
politique linguistique au Maghreb (Paris: Editions G.-P. Maisonneuve et Larose, 

1983) surveys in depth the linguistic policies under the three Algerian presidents. Sid 
Ahmed Boghli's Aspects of Algerian Cultural Policy (Paris, UNESCO, 1978) is a short 
but valuable description of Algerian policy. Ahmed Taleb-Ibrahimi's 

Page 426 

De la decolonisation a la revolution culturelle (7962-7972)(Algiers: SNED, 1973) 
chronicles the development of Arabization. This policy has particularly affected the 
Berbers. See Alf A. Heggoy, "Arabization and the Kabyle Language and Cultural 
Issues in Algeria," Africana Journal , 15(1990): 292-304; Marnia Lazreg, "The Kabyle- 
Berber Cultural Movement in Algeria," in Peter Schwab and Adamantia Pollis, eds., 
(New York: Praeger, 1982), 223-238; and consult, too, Hugh Roberts, Revolution and 
Resistance : Algerian Politics and the Kabyle Question (London: I. M. Tauris, 1989), 
and his other contributions listed in this bibliography. 

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In general, there is a need for more studies of Algerian history. Algeria's precolonial 
heritage deserves greater scholarly attention as well as postcolonial social and cultural 
issues (especially concerning the emerging younger generation). This country offers a 
multitude of rewarding scholarly pursuits and opportunities.